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Hate Crimes Resource Manual

A Profile of Extremist Movements in America
Recognize & Respond

Hate Crimes Resource Manual

FOURTH EDITION ­ November 1999

A Profile of Extremist Movements in America
Recognize &
Hate Crimes Resource Manual

Sandra D. Leek, Past Executive Director
Editor­ in­ Chief


Martha Kenley, Supervising Attorney
Ilya Klekovkin, Investigator
Rebecca Dulin, Executive Assistant
Bruce Jefferson, Deputy Director

Layout and Design

Ilya Klekovkin, Investigator
Michael Stone, Consultant
Burnetta Sloss­ Tanner, PEO Director


Ilya Klekovkin, Investigator
Michael Stone, Consultant
Joseph Smith, Consultant


Martha Kenley, Supervising Attorney
Ilya Klekovkin, Investigator
Rebecca Dulin, Executive Assistant
Bruce Jefferson, Deputy Director
Barbara Dobbins, Administrative Assistant
Bradford Shockney, Investigator

Cover Design

Michael Stone, Consultant
Joseph Smith, Consultant
Ilya Klekovkin, Investigator
Burnetta Sloss­ Tanner, PEO Director

Printing Central Printing Group

100 N. Senate Avenue, Room N103
Indianapolis, Indiana 46204
Office: (317) 232­ 2600
Toll Free: (800) 628­ 2909
Hearing Impaired: (800) 743­ 3333
Fax: (317) 232­ 6580
Web Site: http:// www. state. in. us/icrc


Over the last decade, there has been a growing concern about hate crimes occurring nationwide and in Indiana. On a national level, the "Hate Crimes Statistics Act of 1990" (HCSA) was passed by Congress to assess and quantify hate crimes committed against individuals or groups based on their race, religion, sexual orientation, or ethnicity. In 1994, Congress added disability as a class in the HCSA for data collection purposes. The HCSA requires the Federal Bureau of Investigation to collect hate crimes data as part of its permanent uniform crime ­ reporting network based on voluntary reporting of hate crimes by state and local law enforcement agencies. The Indiana Civil Rights Commission (ICRC) has maintained a hate crimes reporting network in the State of Indiana. The purpose of the network is to encourage Indiana law enforcement to comply with the HCSA. A summary of the network's findings is presented in the "Hate Crimes in Indiana" section of this manual.

The ICRC recognizes that while legislators and opponents of hate crimes share a concern about the seriousness and prevalence of hate crimes, there is an ongoing debate about the proper response. Advocates of hate crime legislation contend that it is appropriate because it is consistent with an already existing national policy that prohibits bias­ motivated actions against protected classes. Further, advocates contend that hate crimes harm entire communities, and leave whole groups of people feeling isolated, vulnerable and unprotected by the law. Those critical of hate crime legislation believe
that these laws have a chilling effect on free speech and are laden with other constitutional concerns.

This manual does not attempt to resolve this debate. It is also by no means meant to be an exhaustive representation of the problem or its solutions. This manual was compiled as an analysis of existing research on hate crimes. It provides information, ideas and resources for an in­ depth study of bias crimes and incidents in America. Indication is made throughout the manual where reproductions of, or excerpts from other published materials is presented. Any further reproductions should be made
only with the permission of the originating sources noted in the resource section of this manual. The ICRC disclaims any and all responsibility or liability which may be asserted or claimed arising from or claimed to have arisen from reliance upon the procedures and information presented in this manual.

This manual is divided into three sections. The first, "Recognize," defines hate crimes, the nature and extent of the problem, potential trouble dates, common characteristics of offenders, and identifies specific extremist groups. The next section, "Respond,"provides information about what legislative bodies, communities and individuals have done or can do to counteract the effect of hate­ crimes. The final section, "Resources," contains a glossary of terms commonly used by and about extremist groups and provides contact information for communities, victims, and all those who are interested in eradicating this problem.

Letter from Sandra D. Leek, Executive Director Indiana Civil Rights Commission, ICRC Director 1994-2005

 Sandra D. Leek, Executive Director Indiana Civil Rights Commission, ICRC Director 1994-2005

Dear Concerned Citizens:

As you know, hate crimes are disturbing occurrences. They are manifestations of bigotry and intolerance that harm not
only individuals, but entire communities. That is why as the Executive Director of the Indiana Civil Rights Commission
(ICRC), I am pleased to present the information on hate crimes contained in this resource manual.

The mission of the ICRC is to ensure equal opportunity for all citizens and visitors to our state. The ICRC staff observed
that elements of hate were increasingly uncovered during the investigation of civil rights complaints. The ICRC Hate
Crimes Task Force was formed to address these concerns. The Task Force established and maintains a statewide hate
crimes reporting network; it conducts public education and outreach activities, including an annual hate crimes
conference; and, it has researched and compiled four editions of this resource manual. I wish to express my sincere
appreciation for the dedication and work of the members of the ICRC Hate Crimes Task Force. This manual represents
our desire to educate and empower Hoosiers to assist us in fulfilling our mission.

Hoosier communities are growing more diverse. The most visible newcomers to our state are the Latino, Muslim and
Asian peoples. The challenge we now face is to continue to the struggle against the enemies of equality, and to expand
our work to effectively meet the needs of our new populations.

All readers of this manual are asked to look beyond separatist and extremist ideologies that divide, and to reach out for
unity among our diverse communities. The First Amendment protects thoughts and peaceable forms of expression. It
does not protect violent actions that violate the rights of individuals and groups of people.

It is my hope that increased awareness through education will lead to greater understanding and tolerance among Indiana

Sandra D. Leek
Executive Directory

"Morality cannot be legislated, but behavior can be regulated."M. L. King, Jr.


Preface ii
Letter from Executive Director Sandra D. Leek iv


A. Hate Crimes Overview
1. Definition of a Hate Crime 1
2. Overview of Hate Crimes in America 1
3. Characteristics of Violent Offenders 2
4. Hate Crimes Offender Types 4
5. Potential Trouble Dates: Extremist Group Calendar 5
B. Targeted Groups
1. Arabs as Targets 6
2. Jews as Targets 7
3. Hispanics as Targets 9
4. Amish as Targets 11
5. Religious Institutions as Targets 12
C. Youth
1. Youth and Hate Crimes 15
2. Hate Crimes in Indiana Educational Institutions 17
D. Hate in Indiana
1. Hate Crimes in Indiana 17
2. Klan in Indiana 21
Active Groups in Indiana 21
E. Profiles of Extremist Groups
1. Extremist Groups in America 23
2. Organizations in the Midwest 24
3. Christian Identity Movement Philosophy 28
4. The Turner Diaries 29
5. The National Alliance 31
6. The Militia Movement: The New Klan? 32 7.


A. Legislative Responses
1. State Legislation 38
2. Federal Initiatives 38
B. Individual Responses

1. What You Should Do if You are a Victim of a Hate Crime 42
2. Twelve Techniques for Citizens to Assist Healing Racial Intolerance
C. Community Responses
1. Best Practices in Indiana: Learning Tolerance and Nonviolence 46
2. Responding to Extremist Groups 47
3. Building a Community­ Based Coalition 48
4. Elements of Effective School­ Based Hate Prevention Programs 52
5. Ten Ways Communities Fight Hate 54


A. Terms, Language and Symbols of Hate
1. Annotated Glossary of Terms 67
2. Lexicon of Hate 71
3. Symbols of Hate 72
B. National Resources
1. Monitoring Organizations 73
2. Victim Assistance Organizations 75
3. Community Assistance Organizations 76
4. Regional Organizations 77
5. Anti­ Bias and Diversity Workshops 77
6. Publications 78
C. Indiana Resources
1. Indiana Civil Rights Commission Hate Crimes Task Force 80
2. Requesting Assistance by County in Indiana 81
3. Indiana Consortium of State and Local Human Rights Agencies 88
4. Hate Crime Incident Report Form 99 8.


A. Hate Crimes Overview

Definition of a Hate Crime

For purposes of data collection, the FBI defines a hate crime as: "a criminal offense committed against a person or property which is motivated, in whole or in part, by the offender's bias against the victim's race, religion, disability, ethnic origin, national origin, or sexual­ orientation." 1 Even if the offender was mistaken in his/ her perception that the victim was a member of the group, the offense is still considered a hate crime because the offender was motivated by bias against the person or group.

Overview of Hate Crimes in America

National research indicates that crimes motivated by bias are more violent than crimes
without bias as a motivating factor. While assaults compromise only 11% of all crimes
committed, assaults constitute 31% of hate crimes. 2 Hate crime assaults tend to be more
severe, and may involve verbal threats, and/ or severe physical violence. In addition, hate
crimes may involve the use of explosives, arson, weapons, and vandalism.

Unidentified strangers, not organized groups, commit most hate crimes. Among the known perpetrators, 65% of those committing the acts are teenagers or young adults. Of these perpetrators, 63% are white, and 27% are black.

Eight out of every ten reported hate crimes are against individuals. Hate crimes cause more emotional harm to the victims. Victims of hate crimes have been found to experience two and one half times more negative psychological symptoms, due in part to the unprovoked nature of attack and potential for future attack. Victims may experience more severe grief because they perceive a loss of their sense of community, or feelings of betrayal by the American system.

There are higher victimization rates for some groups. For example, gay men are 400 times more likely to become a victim of a hate crime than individuals associated with any other group. 3 In many instances, victims experience multiple attacks before deciding to report.

Hate crimes have the potential to ignite community disorder. Hate crimes can trigger large community­ wide racial conflict, civil disturbances, and even riots. The disturbances can cause short­ term social and economic consequences including property damage and loss; injury; and death. Hate crimes can also cause long­ term social and economic consequences
such as a permanent decline in property value; lower tax revenues; scarcity of funds for rebuilding; and increased insurance rates.

1 "Hate Crime Data Collection Guidelines," U. S. Department of Justice, Federal Bureau of Investigation, Criminal Justice Information Services Division, Clarksburg, W. V., 1996, p. 4­ 5. 2 "Ending Hate: Preventing and Responding to Anti­ Islamic Hate Crimes," American Muslim Council, Washington, D. C., 1998, p. 3. 3 "Research Results on Hate Crimes," U. S. Department of Justice, Federal Bureau of Investigation, Criminal Justice
Information Services Division, Clarksburg, W. V., 1996, loose leaf. 10.

Characteristics of Violent Offenders 4

4 Taken from Hate Crime Training Materials folder of the Criminal Justice Information Services Division of the
FBI. For additional information, please refer to FBI contact information provided in the resource section of this manual. 11.

The prediction of danger in law enforcement settings has long been a topic of interest,
especially for those who must make arrests, conduct threat assessments, are hostage
negotiators, and who preside over parole decisions. A number of factors have been identified
by researchers as risk indicators for future violence. They include past violence, substance
abuse, mental disorders, brain damage, and a history of witnessing violence in the home. While
these risk indicators are well known to many, there has been no systematic method of
combining all that is known about risk indicators into an off­ the­ shelf, user friendly model that
can be applied to individual cases.

The following checklist was developed by Supervisory Special Agent (SSA) Alan C.
Brantley of the Critical Incident Response Group's Investigative Support Unit, FBI Academy,
Quantico, Virginia. It is intended to serve as a guide when conducting assessments of subjects
suspected or known to be dangerous. The items included on the checklist were selected
primarily on the basis of both law enforcement and mental health experience with violent

Anger/ low frustration tolerance ­ reacts to stress in self­ defeating ways, unable to
effectively cope with anxiety, acts out when frustrated. Frustration leads to aggression.

Impulsive ­ is quick to act, wants immediate gratification, has poor judgment, has
limited or impaired cognitive filtering (A­C vs. A­B­C).

Emotional liability/ depression ­ quick­ tempered, short­ fused, hotheaded, "flick" rapid
mood swings, mood, sullen, irritable, and humorless.

Childhood abuse ­ sexual and physical abuse, maternal or paternal deprivation,
rejection, abandonment, exposure to violent role models in the home.

Loner ­ is isolated and withdrawn, has poor interpersonal relations, has no empathy for
other, lacks feeling of guilt and remorse.

Overly sensitive ­ hypersensitive to criticism and real or perceived slights, suspicious,
fearful, distrustful, and paranoid.

Altered consciousness ­ sees red, "blanking,"blackouts, derealization or
depersonalization (" it's like I wasn't there; it was me but not me"), impaired reality
testing, hallucinations.

Threats of violence ­ toward self and/ or others direct, veiled, implied, conditional.
Blames others ­ projects blame onto others, fatalistic, external locus of control, avoids
personal responsibility for behavior views self as "victim" vs. " victimizer," self­ centered,
sense of entitlement.

Chemical abuse ­ especially alcohol, opiates, amphetamines, crack, and hallucinogenic
(PCP, LSD), and angry drunk, dramatic personality/ mood changes when under the

Mental health problems requiring in­ patient hospitalization ­ especially with arrest
history for any offenses prior to hospitalization.

History of violence ­ towards self and others, actual physical force used to injure,
harm, or damage.

Odd/ bizarre beliefs ­ superstitious, magical thinking, religiosity, sexuality, violent
fantasies (especially when violence is eroticized), delusions.

Physical problems ­ congenital defects, severe acne, scars, stuttering, any of which
may contribute to poor self­ image, lack of self­ esteem, and isolation. History of head
trauma brain damage/ neurological problems.

Preoccupations with violent themes ­ movies, books, TV, newspaper articles,
magazines (detective), music, weapons collections, guns, knives, implements of torture,
S & M, Nazi paraphernalia.

Pathological triad/ school problems ­ fire setting, enuresis, cruelty to animals, fighting,
truancy, temper tantrums, inability to get along with others, rejection of authority


Hates Crimes Offender Types 5

Offender Type

Offender Characteristics's

Precipitating Events




Additional Characteristics

Thrill Seeker

Generally Groups of Teenagers

Generally not associated with organized hate [extremist] groups

Generally none

Psychological or social thrill

Any members of vulnerable group

Member of groups perceived as inferior by offender

Outside of offenders "turf"

Areas frequented by target groups

Attacks random

Difficult to identify offender

Often involve desecration and vandalism

Hatred relatively superficial

Reactive Offender

Has "rights" and "privileges" that do not extend to victim.

Not usually associated with organized hate [extremist group, but may call for assistance if they perceive a threat

Perceived threat to "way of life" ­ community, workplace, privilege

Protect against perceived threat

"Send a message" to outsiders

Individual or group who are a perceived threat, most often people of color

Offender's neighborhood, most often school, place of work

When threat subsides behavior subsides

Feel little or no guilt because behaviors was a justifiable response to a threat

Mission Offender

May be psychotic, impaired ability to reason

Perceives victim as evil, subhuman, and/or animal


Instructed by "higher authority" to rid world of evil.

Perceives "conspiracy" by victim group

Sense of urgency ­ ­ before "it's too late"

Category of people perceived as responsible for offender's frustrations

All members of despised group are targeted for elimination

Areas where members of the target group are likely found

Rarest type of offender

Crimes are often violent in nature­ sometimes result in suicide

Provides "platform" or philosophy for thrill seeker and reactive offenders.

5 "Hate Crimes: The Rising Tide of Bigotry and Bloodshed", Jack Levin and Jack McDevitt, Plenum Press, New York, 1993.

Potential Trouble Dates: Extremist Group Calendar 6






(Pulaski, TN)

Black History Month

Start of White History Week

(Aryan Observed)

George Lincoln Rockwell's Birthday

(Aryan Observed)

Martin Luther King's Death

White Worker's Day

(Aryan Observed)

National Gay & Lesbian Pride Month

Dr. Martin Luther King's Birthday


Waco Day

Thomas Jefferson's Son's Birthday
(Odinist Observed)



"Night of the Long Knives" Gordon Kahl's death

Robert E. Lee Birthday,

John Singer Remembrance Day


Hitler's Birthday




Martin Luther King, Jr, Day (observed)

Robert Matthews' National Holiday (Aryan Observed)












Aryan Nations World Congress

Death of Rudolph Hess

Labor Day
Stone Mtn, GA

Yom Kipper
Leif Erikson's Day (Odinist Observed)
National Coming Out Day Lesbian/Gay Pride Day
(Observed on college campuses)

Anniversary of Kristallnacht (start of Nazi's terror)

World AIDS Day
Bombing of Pearl Harbor

All Klan Congress


First Day of Rosh Hashanah
(Jewish Holiday)

Columbus Day

Campaign"Thanksgiving" (problems experienced by native Americans) (aryan Observed)

Robert Mathews' Death,
National Martyr Day
(Aryan Observed)







6 Simon Wiesenthal Center republished (1997) from Klanwatch Intelligence Report ­ February, 1992


Arabs as Targets

The problem of anti­ Arab discrimination is compounded by the rampant stereotypes of Arabs in the U. S. media. Negative images of Arabs and, by association, Arab Americans, are pervasive in broadcast and print outlets which capitalize on the
tired cliches of Arabs as ruthless terrorists oil­ rich "sheikhs," desert Bedouins, greasy merchants, and so forth. At the same time, there is almost a total absence of positive images of Arabs as loving parents, competent professionals, or conscientious citizens. Arabs are typically portrayed as a threat or an object of mockery, while the Arab world is
presented without complexity or subtlety. There has been no "Dances with Wolves" for the Arab world. No "Fiddler on the Roof" for traditional Arab village life. No "Cry Freedom" for the Intifada.

The effect of media images on popular perception cannot be dismissed as mere
entertainment. Indeed, there is a link between the media's anti­ Arab spin on an event
and the ensuing violence and discrimination directed at Arab Americans. A case in point
is the aftermath of the Oklahoma City bombing, when the media rushed to point blame at
Arabs in the absence of evidence. As a result, more than 200 hate crimes were
committed against Arab Americans and Muslims in the few days when speculations
were flying on news outlets. (A Rush to Judgment, Council on American­ Islamic
Relations, 1995)

Dr. Jack Shaheen, author of The TV Arab (Ohio: Bowling Green State University
Popular Press, 1984) and the foremost authority on media stereotypes, identified the
following myths perpetrated by the media about Arabs and Muslims:

Media Myth 1: Islam is a monolithic religion and all Muslims are radical and violent. Islam is seen as a "non­ Western" religion, rather than a branch of a common Judeo­ Christian­ Muslim tradition. There is a tendency among some intellectuals and policy­ makers to regard Islam as the new, post­ Cold War "enemy." Sadly, this perception of enmity with Arabs and Muslims helps create a climate in which anti­ Arab discrimination can flourish.

Media Myth 2: All Muslims are Arabs. In fact, Islam has adherents from every racial and ethnic group. Only about 12 percent of Muslims are Arabs. Most Muslims are neither Arab nor Persian, but Indonesian, Indian or Malaysian.

Media Myth 3: All Arabs are Muslim. While the majority of Arabs are Muslims, about 15 million of them are Christians ­ ranging from Eastern Orthodox to Episcopalians to

Roman Catholics.

Media Myth 4: All Middle Easterners are Arabs. Many Americans wrongly assume that Iranians and Turks are Arabs as well.

7 "1996­ 1997 Report on Hate Crimes & Discrimination Against Arab­ Americans,"American­ Arab Anti­ Discrimination
Committee, pp. 38­ 39. For additional information, please refer to American­ Arab Anti­ Discrimination
Committee contact information provided in the resource section of this manual. 15.

Throughout this century, the media has typically portrayed Arabs as one of the 3 B's billionaires, bombers or belly dancers. The "typical" Arab male is portrayed as a terrorist or an oil sheikh bent on violence, greed and abuse. Another popular image is that of the Arab woman as oppressed, veiled and submissive or, to the other extreme, as a loose belly dancer.

In his latest publication, Arab and Muslim Stereotyping in American Popular Culture (Georgetown University: Center for Muslim­ Christian Understanding, 1997), Dr. Shaheen presents an in­ depth look at the portrayal of Arabs and Muslims in the entertainment and news media. Dr. Shaheen, who has monitored the media for 20 years, estimates that 25 to 30 movies vilifying Arabs and Muslims air on television networks and cable shows every week. These are just the re­ runs. New shows that perpetuate Arab stereotypes are being produced regularly. In addition, he found that at least one cartoon a week is
aired on television that includes stereotypical images of "evil" Arabs. Shaheen has also documented over 900 motion pictures with anti­ Arab biases since the start of the commercial film industry in 1893.

In short, Arab stereotypes are pervasive in American popular culture despite the recent trend toward greater multicultural representation. In the 1997­ 98 television season, about one third of all prime time programs feature minority characters including Latinos, Asian­ Americans, African­ Americans and gays. Not one Arab American character has yet appeared. While most ethnic groups can see positive representations of themselves on television, Arab Americans cannot. The prevalence of negative media images make the Arab­ American community particularly vulnerable to hate crimes and


Jews as Targets

Of attacks upon individuals or institutions because of their religion, the overwhelming majority ­ 82% of such crimes reported by the FBI for 1995 ­ were directed against Jews.

As with attacks upon African­ Americans, hate crimes against Jews draw upon centuries of such assaults, from the pogroms of Eastern Europe to the Nazi Holocaust to the cross burning of the Ku Klux Klan in this country. Hate crimes against Jews in the United States range from physical assaults upon individuals to desecration of synagogues and cemeteries and the painting of swastikas on private homes. As with hateful acts upon other minorities, the pain is increased by arousing feelings of vulnerability and memories of persecution, even extermination, in other countries and in other times.

Hatred against Jews is fed by slanders and stereotypes that have their origins in Europe extending back for centuries. These range far beyond the view that Jews were " Christ­ killers" and include conspiracy theories involving " international bankers," the
State of Israel, and groups ranging from communists to freemasons. Such views are spread by groups on the political right as well as on the left who find little basis for agreement except for their anti­ Semitism. As in the past, these extremists have tried to exploit the hardships of Americans from unemployed industrial workers to hard pressed farmers. Similarly, extremists associated with some black nationalist groups have promoted anti­ Semitic conspiracy theories within the black community, exploiting the pain of poverty and discrimination and exacerbating tensions between African­ Americans and Jews. In a private survey of anti­ Semitic incidents (it is important to note that this survey includes hateful speech as well as hate crimes) reported to the ADL in 1995, the group found 1, 843 acts against property or persons. This included 1,116 incidents of harassment and 727 incidents of vandalism.


Cause for Concern: Hate Crimes in America, "the Leadership Conference on Civil Rights and the
Leadership Conference Education Fund, January 1997, pp. 9 ­ 10. For additional information, please refer
to LCCR and LCEF contact information provided in the resource section of this manual. 16.

Crimes against Jews included:

On July 16, 1995, in Cincinnati, Ohio, a group of youths assaulted the son of a community rabbi, chasing him for about a block before they caught him outside the synagogue and beat him until he collapsed on the street. The next day, the group
assaulted a 58­ year­ old recent immigrant from Russia in his own driveway. A group of five young men, aged 15 to 18, was arrested and convicted for the assaults. At the sentencing, the judge asked one of the young men, Brian Scherrer, why he had
committed the crimes. He explained the attacks were part of a gang initiation and that one victim was chosen because " he was Jewish."

On August 19, 1991, a traffic accident in Crown Heights, Brooklyn, New York, (a community with a long history of racial and religious animosity among African­ Americans, Hasidic Jews, and Caribbean nationals) resulted in the tragic death of
seven­ year old African­ American Gavin Cato and injury to his cousin, Angela. The driver of the car was part of Grand Rebbe Menachem M. Schneerson's motorcade. The Grand Rebbe was a religious leader of Lubavitch Hasidic Jews. A riot followed
over three days during which crowds roamed the streets yelling " Get the Jews" and " Heil Hitler." Jewish­ owned homes, cars and other property were attacked. Yankel Rosenbaum, an Australian scholar, was stopped by a gang of twenty youngsters
who yelled " Get the Jew." Rosenbaum was assaulted, held down, stabbed, and left bleeding on a car hood. He died.

In Phoenix, Arizona, crime of vandalism erupted. A Maltese Cross, SS lightning bolts, " Dirty Jews go to Auschwitz," " Sieg Heil," and a swastika were spray painted on the Temple Beth El Congregation.

Freddy's Fashion Mart was a Jewish­ owned store in Harlem, New York, that rented space from a black church and sublet some of that space to a black­ owned record store. The land lord and owner of Freddy's wanted the Fashion Mart to expand. The owner of the record store did not want to move and a protest of Freddy's was begun. Some people on the picket line, and their supporters, regularly engaged in anti­ Semitic rhetoric. On December 8, 1995, Roland Smith, one of the protesters,
entered the store with a gun and lighter fluid. He doused the store and set it on fire. Eight people ­ including Smith died. Although none were Jewish, anti­ Semitism strife was an underlying factor."

Hispanics as Targets

Of 814 hate crimes in 1995 that were motivated by bias based on ethnicity or national origin, 63. 3% ­516 in all ­ were directed against Hispanics.

In California and throughout the Southwest, long­ existing antagonisms against Hispanics have been aggravated by the furor over immigration. With job opportunities declining at a time of defense cutbacks and economic recession, there have been
renewed calls for restrictions against legal immigration and harsh measures against undocumented immigrants. In November, 1994, 59% of California voters approved a statewide referendum proposal, Proposition 187, which declares undocumented
immigrants ineligible for most public services, including public education and non­ emergency health care.

As with attacks upon African­ Americans and Jews, attacks upon Hispanics are part of a history of hatred. In California and throughout the Southwest, there have been recurring periods of " nativism," when not only newcomers but also longtime U. S. citizens of Mexican descent have been blamed for social and economic problems. During the Depression of the 1930s, citizens and non­ citizens of Mexican descent were the targets of mass deportations, with a half million " dumped" across the border in Mexico. In the early 1950s, a paramilitary effort, with the degrading name " Operation Wetback," deported tens of thousands of Mexicans from California and several other southwestern states.

The historian Juan Ramon Garcia describes the climate of fear and hatred that existed from the 1930s through the ­50s: " The image of the mysterious, sneaky, faceless "illegal" was once again stamped into the minds of many. Once this was accomplished, 'illegal's' became something less than human, with their arbitrary removal being that much easier to justify and accomplish."

While undocumented immigrants and their impact on public services is a legitimate concern, much of the recent debate has echoed the nativist rhetoric of earlier eras. For instance, Ruth Coffey, the founder of Stop Immigration Now, told the Los
Angeles Times: " I have no intention of being the object of 'conquest, ' peaceful or otherwise, by Latinos, Asians, Blacks, Arabs, or any other group of individuals who have claimed my country."

Glenn Spencer, president of Voices of Citizens Together, which collected 40,000 signatures to qualify Proposition 187 for the ballot, said: " We have to take direct and immediate action to preserve this culture and this nation we have spent two centuries
building it up."

During the emotionally charged debate over Proposition 187, hate speech and violent acts against Latinos increased dramatically. And, in the aftermath of the approval of 187, civil rights violations against Latinos went on the upswing, with most of the cases involving United States citizens or permanent legal residents. All in all, in the Los Angeles metropolitan area alone, the County Human Relations Commission documented an 11.9% increase in hate crimes against Latinos in 1994.

9 " Cause for Concern: Hate Crimes in America," the Leadership Conference on Civil Rights and the
Leadership Conference Education Fund, January 1997, pp. 10 ­ 11. For additional information, please
refer to LCCR and LCEF contact information provided in the resource section of this manual. 18.

On November 12, 1994, Graziella Fuentes (54) was taking her daily one mile walk through the suburban San Fernando Valley, when eight young males 14 to 17 years old shouted at her that now that Proposition 187 has passed, she should go back to Mexico. After calling her " wetback" and other names, they threw rocks at her hitting her on the head and back.

Bigotry and hate crimes against Hispanics are not confined to California and the Southwest. From the Midwest, to the Northeast, to Florida, Mexican­ Americans, Puerto Ricans, Cuban­ Americans, and immigrants from other countries in Central and South America have been the targets of harassment and violence.

Here are several examples of hate crimes against Hispanics over the years:
In the summer of 1995, Allen Adams and Tad Page were sentenced to 88 and 70 months, respectively, for their roles in the ethnically motivated shooting of four Latinos in Livermore, Maine. Three of the shooting victims were migrant laborers
working in an egg farm, while the fourth was visiting his ailing mother, a migrant worker. The incident began at a store, where the victims were trying to make a purchase. Adams and Page, who were also at the store, taunted the victims with
ethnic epithets, telling them: "Go back to Mexico or [we'll] send you there in a body bag." After the victims drove away from the store, Adams and Page chased them by car, firing 11 rounds from a nine­ millimeter handgun at the victims'
automobile. One victim was shot in the arm, while another bullet hit the driver's headrest, just a few centimeters from the driver.

On June 11, 1995, arsonists burned down the home of a Latino family in the Antelope Valley, California, city of Palmdale. They spray­ painted these messages on the walls: "White Power" and "your family dies."

A Hispanic man at a camp for homeless migrant workers in Alpine, California, was beaten with baseball bats by six white men in October, 1992. The assailants later reportedly bragged about " kicking Mexican ass."

While not the focus of this report there have been well­ publicized reports of severe police beatings of Hispanics suspected of being undocumented immigrants.

In April 1996, two Riverside County, California sheriff's deputies were videotaped beating two suspected undocumented Mexican immigrants. The man and woman were continuously struck with batons and the woman was pulled to the ground by her hair.

Bobbi Murray, an official with the Coalition for Human immigrants' Rights of Los Angeles said in response to the beating: " We were really sickened when we saw it. But we're not inordinately surprised because we've been concerned for a long time
that this inflamed election year rhetoric of bashing immigrants and singling them out as an enemy creates an atmosphere that gives license to this sort of stuff." 19.

Hispanic rights organizations charge that Hispanic­ Americans are often targets of a growing trend of abuse by private citizens and local law enforcement officials. They attribute the increasing abuse in part to the hostile political climate in which anyone
who is perceived as an immigrant becomes a target for " enforcement" activities that are excessive, inappropriate, and often illegal.

Amish as Targets

MUNCIE, INDIANA ­ The Amish are easy targets for hate crimes because they rarely fight back and their assailants know it, says a Ball State University researcher. Interviews with Amish families in northern Indiana reveal long­ standing victimization that goes back several generations, said Bryan Byers, a criminal justice professor. Byers selected Amish residents in Indiana, as it has the third largest Amish population in the United States, surpassed only by Ohio and Pennsylvania. "In talking with the Amish, we found they have been targets of hate crimes for hundreds of years of their history," Byers said. " They have been easy targets for groups of young males who want to create mischief by forcing buggies off roads, throwing stones at Amish farmers and tossing fireworks at their horses."

Assailants think nothing about attacking an Amish person or stealing from their
farms. For many non­ Amish residents in northern Indiana, harassing members of the
religious sect is a way of life. Byers found his interviews with local non­ Amish residents
disturbing. Many assailants proudly talked about attacking Amish individuals.

" The attacks were always done by groups, not by individuals. The incidents were
viewed as simple mischief, no matter how severe the offense," Byers said. " They call
the Amish 'clapes' and the attacks or thefts are known as claping," he said. " Several
individuals talked to us about how their uncles or fathers had done it as young men. We
think it may go into several generations, but the interviews are still continuing."

The Amish date back to 1525 in Europe when a radical group of Christians, nicknamed " Anabaptists," sought a return to the simplicity of faith and practice as seen in the early Christian church in the Bible. Like many other religious groups, they fled to
the U. S. to escape religious and social persecution. Amish groups tend to be cautious about technology and involvement with the rest of the world they describe as " English culture." They drive horse drawn carriages, dress plainly, shun modern conveniences like electricity and discourage higher education.

"When talking to the Amish bishops about persecution, one said there wasn't a problem while another said there was," he said. "Others just wanted to know what they could do to us because of the martyrdom that makes up the culture."

Byers doubts that local authorities will be able to stop acts of violence against the Amish, who are pacifists and often refuse to help police or prosecutors. " They want nothing to do with our laws," he said. " They don't hold grudges so I think we'll be
required to establish hate crime laws to help them without their assistance."


10 Taken from a July 9, 1997 media release of the Ball State University's University Relations office. For
additional information, please contact the University Relations office at (765) 285­ 1560. 20.


Religious Institutions as Targets

Arsons, bombings and other acts against houses of worship represent one of the most pernicious and deplorable types of crime facing the nation. In addition to the 22 reports of church burnings in Indiana from August 1996 through July 1998, there have been reports of incidents against members of the Muslim, Jewish, and other religious community members. Muslim religious community reports that they experience more intimidation activity when national and international incidents occur.

As the National Church Arson Task Force ("NCATF" ) has recognized, "these are serious crimes with devastating consequences for the people and communities affected. In some instances, the history of a community was destroyed, including records of births, baptisms, marriages and deaths." When these crimes are motivated by racism or religious or other bias, the crime may take on an even more troubling dimension. Again, as recognized by the NCATF:

" In the African American community, the church historically has been a primary community institution. It was the only institution that was permitted during the years of slavery. It was the institution that enabled people to read. It has been the institution that formed the backbone for a tremendous amount of political activism. Critical events of the civil rights movement, such as the Montgomery bus boycott, had their genesis in the church. Many leaders within the African American community grew up in the church or remain ministers of the church." 11

Thanks to the work of the NCATF over the past two years, some conclusions may be drawn regarding the causes and motives behind at least some of these deplorable incidents. A review of information compiled by the NCATF in its Second Year Report to the President reveals that racism and other forms of prohibited bias play a part in a troubling number of these incidents. The NCATF opened investigations in 670 arsons, bombings and other incidents directed against houses of worship between January 1, 1995 and September 8, 1998. State and local authorities obtained convictions with regard to 173 incidents. 12 Out of those cases where convictions were obtained, 37 incidents involved the commission of a hate crime or the presence of a hate crime related motive. 13 Four additional defendants plead guilty to lesser charges where the government alleged that the defendants were motivated by hate.

The NCATF further concluded that the incidents, as a whole, were also motivated by numerous other factors, including vandalism, pyromania, mental health disturbances, and attempts to cover up burglaries. 14 Most defendants were not found to be members of organized hate [extremist] groups, although this is not a necessary allegation under federal civil rights laws. In addition, although the NCATF brought conspiracy charges in a number of cases involving common defendants, the conspiracies tended to be confined to small geographic areas. The NCATF found that the cases to date do not support a theory of a broad national conspiracy. 15

Nationally, approximately 33.6% of the incidents investigated by the NCATF involved African American houses of worship, as compared to 45.9% in the South. 16 In Indiana, only 1 out of 22 incidents, or approximately 4.5%, involved an African American house of worship. 17 Nationally, identified perpetrators are overwhelmingly white and
male (75. 3%) and predominately young (58.7% age 24 or younger). 18 Similarly, all of the convictions obtained in Indiana through September 8, 1998 involved young white men. 19

The National Church Arson Task Force Second Year Report to the President is
available through the Public Affairs Offices of the United States Department of Justice
(202) 616­ 2765 or the United States Department of the Treasury (202) 622­ 2966. The
report is also available on the Internet at http://www.atf.treas.gov/


11 " Second Year Report for the President," National Church Arson Task Force, U. S. Department of the
Treasury, U. S. Department of Justice, Washington, D. C., October 13, 1998, p. 19. 12


Ibid., p. 2. 13
Ibid., p. 9. 14
Ibid., p. 19. 15
Ibid., p. 19­ 20.
16 Ibid., Appendix 1, Chart A.
17 Ibid., Chart D.
18 Ibid., Chart Q.
19 Ibid., Appendix 2, p. 6. 22.


U. S. National Church Arson Task Force:
Convictions for Violence against Houses of Worship
Reported since January 1995 (as of September 8, 1998)


Leesburg Grace Brethren Church (Leesburg) (Northern District)

On July 22, 1997, this Caucasian church was burned. Damage was estimated at $550,000. The defendant, a 17­ year­ old juvenile, was found guilty by a state jury of arson, burglary and theft in connection with this matter. He was sentenced to 20 years incarceration (arson), 4 years incarceration (burglary), and 18 months incarceration (theft), all to be served concurrently.

Faith United Methodist Church (Kokomo) (Southern District)
Shiloh United Methodist Church (Kokomo) (Southern District)

On July 13, 1997, and July 22, 1997, these Caucasian churches were burned. Two Caucasian males 23 and 21 years old pled guilty to State charges in connection with these fires. The 23­ year­ old pled guilty to two counts of burglary and one count of conspiracy to commit burglary. He received 10 years incarceration plus three years supervised probation. The 21­ year­ old pled guilty to one count of attempted arson, one count of conspiracy to commit arson, two counts of burglary, one count of conspiracy to commit burglary and one count of institutional criminal mischief. He received six years incarceration and three years supervised probation. The arsons were committed to cover up the burglaries.

Peace Evangelical Lutheran Church (Fort Wayne) (Northern District)

On August 3, 1996, this Caucasian church was burned. The damage estimate was $20,000. There were two points of origin. One point of origin was believed to have been caused by a Molotov cocktail and the other by an accelerant. The defendant, a 23­ year­ old Caucasian male, confessed to the arson and indicated that he was angry with God. The defendant was convicted of state burglary and criminal mischief charges. He received a two­ year sentence for the burglary charge and six years for the criminal mischief charge.


20 " Second Year Report to the President," National Church Arson Task Force, U. S. Department of the
Treasury, U. S. Department of Justice, Washington, D. C., October 13, 1998, Appendix 2, p. 8. 23.


Youth and Hate Crimes

Young people factor significantly into the statistics of this nation's hate crimes, both as victims and perpetrators. National research has shown that among the known perpetrators of hate crimes 65% of those committing the acts are teenagers or young adults. One study has found that more than half of all hate crimes are committed by young people ages 15 through 24. 21 Motivations for youths to commit violence are diverse and varied. According to a study conducted in 1993 for Northeastern University, sixty percent of offenders committed crimes for the " thrill associated with the victimization." 22 Other research shows that hate crimes have motivations clearly rooted in learned prejudice.

Youth are popular recruits for various hate groups. Those targeted are usually teenagers or young adults who are loners with few friends or those alienated from society. Hate groups garner the attention of youth through the Internet, literature distribution, broadcasts over public access television, and personal contact. For example, the World Church of the Creator, of which Benjamin Smith, aged 21, was a product, is involved in one­ on­ one recruiting efforts targeting young people. Devin Burghart of the Center for New Community, an Oak Park, Illinois nonprofit that tracks the activities of hate groups in the Midwest, describes some of the other recruiting tools used to lure youth into the mind set of racial bias:

One of the most powerful propaganda tools [extremist groups] have now is music. There are dozens of different white power bands that are active, and their music is available, and not only from mail order anymore. Now you can go into suburban record stores like Record Breakers and purchase CDs by bands like Brutal Attack and Mud Oven. Some of the most violent, vile, hardcore, racist and anti­ Semitic literature you can imagine is on those records. 23

The majority of youth involved in violence are influenced by peers rather than by organized hate groups. According to Howard Pinderhughes, an assistant professor in the Department of Social and Behavioral Sciences at the University of California, the perpetrators of youth violence are just ordinary young people.

Most people, when they hear of racial violence, think of rednecks in white hoods burning crosses or skinheads in black storm trooper boots with swastikas on their arms. But the reality of contemporary racial violence is that it is ordinary young people under the age of twenty who are perpetrating the overwhelming majority of racially motivated crimes. Most of the violence is random. It is not connected with an articulated racial ideology. There are no organized groups, no clear political objectives. 24

21 " Ending Hate: Preventing and Responding to Anti­ Islamic Hate Crimes," American Muslim Council, Washington, D. C., 1998, p. 3.
22 Journal of Intergroup Relations, p. 10.
23 Ben Winters, " Hate Thy Neighbor," New City, September 16, 1999, pp. 10­ 13. Certain young people believe that they will earn respect from their friends by committing acts of violence. One " gaybashing" youth was quoted as saying: " We were trying to be tough to each other. It was like a game of chicken­ ­ someone dared you to do something and there was no backing down." 25 Many acts of violence are committed as part of gang initiation. Group bonding is enhanced by the sharing of a common enemy.

Other young people involved in hate crimes act in response to a perceived threat. According to Pinderhughes, " racial hatred and fear fulfills a function for many human beings. This is not a biologically based, predetermined predisposition but, rather, a learned set of attitudes and beliefs that help individuals define who they are and are not; manage anxieties, fears and frustrations; and feel power and worth in their lives." 26 Youth who feel frustrated and angry that their way of life, their future economic prospects, and their social position are threatened often interpret this threat as coming from a certain racial or ethnic group. Feeling powerless in society, they may then respond to such a perceived threat through violence. Violence of this nature has been labeled " scapegoating." 27 For more information on hate crime offenders and their motivations, see the chart entitled " Hate Crimes Offender Types" set forth in this section of the manual.

Youth hate crimes can occur on the streets, or as seen in Littleton, Colorado and Conyers, Georgia, within the schools. In 1997, 11% of hate crime incidents occurred at schools or colleges. In one survey, 68% of girls and 39% of boys in grades 8­ 11, reported sexual harassment. Another study indicated that 20% to 25% of students had been victimized in racial or ethnic incidents in the course of a school year. 28 Schools are a prime site because often schools are among the only locations where young people come into contact with people from other racial and ethnic groups. 29 Schools, therefore, have a unique opportunity to teach tolerance and respond quickly and effectively to conflict. The Leadership Council on Civil Rights suggests that the next generation of Americans must be prepared for a diverse society so that differences in races and cultures will perpetuate tolerance instead of conflict and violence.

The Southern Poverty Law Center has released a special publication titled Responding to Hate at School: A Guide for Teachers, Counselors and Administrators. The book explains various techniques used to demean individuals or groups based on race, religion, ethnicity, sexual orientation, gender, ability or appearance. 30 The U. S. Department of Education Office for Civil Rights and the National Association of Attorneys General has published a useful manual entitled Protecting Students from Harassment and Hate Crime, which contains strategies for preventing hate crimes and harassment as well as sample policies from actual school districts. All schools should develop programs directed at preventing hate crimes and harassment and " endeavor to provide students with a curriculum, teaching methods, and school activities that discourage stereotypes and respond to the concerns of students of different races and cultural backgrounds." 31 As there is no bright line between what constitutes a hate crime and what constitutes harassment, schools must respond to both with speed and severe consequences. The U. S. Department of Education, Office of Elementary and Secondary Education, Safe and Drug Free Schools Program published the booklet " Preventing Youth Hate Crime." A portion of this booklet can be found in the response section of this manual. For additional information, please refer to U. S. Department of Education contact information provided in the resource section of this manual.


24 Pinderhughes, Race in the Hood: Conflict and Violence among Urban Youth. Minnesota: University of Minnesota Press, 1997, p. 4.
25 Journal of Intergroup Relations, p. 10.
26 Pinderhughes, p. 24.
27 " Ending Hate: Preventing and Responding to Anti­ Islamic Hate Crimes," American Muslim Council, Washington, D. C., 1998, p. 3.
28 " Protecting Students from Harassment and Hate Crime," U. S. Department of Education Officer for Civil
Rights and National Association of Attorneys General, p. 1.
29 Pinderhughes at 158­ 159.
30 Southern Poverty Law Center Report, Vol. 29, no. 2 (June 1999), p. 1. 25.
31 " Protecting Students from Harassment and Hate Crime," p.8


Hate Crimes in Indiana Educational Institutions

Within the last year, hate incidents have been occurring in both the higher educational institutions and at various school corporations throughout the state. Reports of hate incidents have been reported from Valparaiso University, Manchester College, and Indiana University School of Law ­ Indianapolis. At Valparaiso University, an anonymous caller left an obscenity­ filled, threatening voice mail message for two black
athletes. 32 The incident prompted a federal hate crime investigation, and a state criminal harassment investigation due to the threat of violence. 33

At Manchester College, a racist e­ mail message was sent to the Manchester International Association, Hispanos Unidos, Black Student Union, and the Hispanic American organization. 34 Approximately 100 minority students in the four groups received the message. Local authorities did not investigate because no state or federal statute had been violated since the message was directed toward minority groups, rather than individuals. 35

At Indiana University School of Law ­ Indianapolis, a racially derogatory letter directed at the black law students was left in the mailboxes of nineteen students. 36 The letter stated that the students were not welcome at the "white man's law school." 37 Campus authorities did not investigate the incident as a hate crime because it did not involve physical threats of violence. 38

Incidents have also occurred in various school corporations throughout the state. In Martinsville, racial slurs were allegedly hurled in the parking lot at a visiting school's minority football players. 39 Although there was no criminal investigation, penalties were imposed on the Martinsville School Corporation by the Indiana High School Athletic
Association. 40 In Lafayette, teachers and principals suspected of being gay received anonymous letters and phone calls threatening to expose them. 41 The incident was not officially investigated due to the anonymity of the letters. 42

31 " Protecting Students from Harassment and Hate Crime," p. 8.
32 " Schools Searching for Racial Harmony. IUPUI, Manchester, Valparaiso Reassessing Race Relations in Wake of Messages of Hatred." The Indianapolis Star/ News, March 15, 1998.
33 Ibid.
34 " Police Say Hate E­ Mail Didn't Break Any Laws. It Attacked Groups, Not Individuals." The Indianapolis Star/ News, March 14, 1998.
35 Ibid.
36 " A Racially Derogatory Memo Directed to Black Law Students Has Drawn the Ire of IUPUI Officials and Students and Elicited a Financial Reward to Help Identify the Culprit." The Indianapolis Star/ News, January 21, 1998.
37 Ibid.
38 Ibid.
39 " State's Racist Past Lurks in Shadows of Today. Experts Say Indiana is home to Fastest Growing Klan Faction in United States, One Group Says." The Indianapolis Star/ News, May 30, 1998. 40 Ibid. 41 " Suspected Gay Teachers at Lafayette are Targeted." The Indianapolis Star/ News, July 13, 1998. 42 Ibid.


Hate Crimes in Indiana

The Indiana Civil Rights Commission developed the Hate Crimes Reporting Network in 1996, for the purpose of collecting data about the number of hate crimes committed in Indiana and to educate the public on the nature and extent of hate crimes. As of October 1999, the network has reporters in 78 counties out of Indiana's 92 counties. The reporting network collects data on the nature, frequency, and location of hate crimes that have been reported throughout Indiana; educates law enforcement; encourages compliance with the federal Hate Crimes Statistics Act; and educates the public on the nature and extent of hate crimes occurring in Indiana. The reporting network collects as much data as possible on the commission of hate crimes occurring statewide and complies the reports in a database.

The information collected is given to governmental agencies, legislators and citizens throughout the state. The information provides a profile of the pattern hate crimes occurrences, which assists decision­ makers in planning public policy. The reporting network also serves to make the FBI statistics for Indiana as complete as possible. Ultimately, complete reporting benefits all residents and visitors of the State of Indiana, as all citizens of Indiana are affected when hate crimes occur.

For the period of August 1996 through October 1999, the reporting network gathered 130 reports of alleged hate crimes and bias incidents that involved over 600 victims and 163 separate offenses. These include 14 arsons of places of worship allegedly motivated by the religious bias of a single primary suspect. Additional 22 incendiary fires occurring at places of worship have been reported in Indiana since 1996. These crimes remain unsolved.

The hate crimes reporting network has quantified the reports recorded through October 1999. The statistics reveal that 50% of the hate crimes are motivated by racial factors; 22% are motivated by sexual orientation; 15% are motivated by religion; and 13% are motivated by ethnicity. (See Graph 1, p. 18)

Of the racially motivated hate crimes, 55 were anti­ black (68% of the reported crimes with racial bias motivation); 17 were anti­ Hispanic (21%); 6 were anti­ multiracial (7%); 2 were anti­ Asian (3%); and 1 was anti­ white (1%). (See Graph 2, p. 18)

The offenses committed include intimidation; property damage and vandalism; assault; arson; murder; burglary; and theft. Statistically, the majority of offenses involve intimidation (58), property damage and vandalism (46), simple assault (20) and arson (18). However, there have been 10 reports of robbery, 8 reports of aggravated assault, 1 report of burglary, and 2 reports of murder, which demonstrate the potential for the commission of serious crimes. 

Hate Crimes Graph

The hate crimes have been reported from 23 counties out of the 78 counties that
participate in the reporting network (See Map below). At this time there is no requirement that
state and local law enforcement agencies report the occurrence of hate crimes. However,
despite the lack of mandatory law enforcement reporting and uniform collection, the reporting
network has provided valuable information on hate crimes occurring in Indiana. 30.

State of Indiana Population Profile

Indiana Total Population 43

5,312,849 90.59%
Black 483,558 8.25%
Hispanic 136,568 2.33%
White Hispanic 124,589 2.12%
White non­ Hispanic 5,188,260 88.47%
Asian/ Pacific Islander 53,361 0.90%
American Indian/ Eskimo/ Aleut 14,340 0.24%

65 & Over 733,847 12.51%
17 & Under 1,497,455 25.54%

43 Population Estimate Program 1990­ 1997, Population Division, U. S. Bureau of the Census 31.

Klan in Indiana

The Ku Klux Klan has an extensive history in the State of Indiana. The Klan gained a stronghold in the 1920s under the leadership of D. C. Stephenson, the Grand Dragon, who filled political offices with Klan members in almost every county. 44 Currently, there are at least 11 extremist groups operating in Indiana. 45 The groups include: The American Knights of the Ku Klux Klan; Order of Ku Klux Klan; National Knights of Ku Klux Klan; National Association for the Advancement of White People; World Church of the Creator; Identity Study Group; National Socialist White People's Party; The Northern Hammer Skinheads.

According to Klanwatch, a national group that monitors Klan activity, the American Knights of the Ku Klux Klan is one of the nation's fastest growing and most violent Klan groups. 46 The group has staged 15 public rallies in Indiana, and 14 outside the state. 47 The rallies have cost the state approximately $650,000.00, primarily due to the cost of policing the events. 48 In many instances, officers are on duty 6 to 8 hours and are paid over­ time. It is not unusual for a Klan rally to cost a county $10,000. 00 to $30, 000.00 per event. 49 In addition, when a Klan rally is being held in a county, sheriff's departments from neighboring counties often send their deputies to the rally and absorb the related cost. 50

At many of the rallies, anti­ Klan protestors far outnumber the Klan members and supporters. At a rally held in Starke County in 1996, there were 100 police officers, 50 onlookers, and 8 Klan members. 51 Most recently, a rally held in Booneville had 100 police officers, 1,200 anti­ Klan protesters, 36 Klan members, and 50 Klan supporters. 52 In Jasper, St. Joseph College hosted a diversity fair to counter the Klan rally. 53 The diversity fair attracted 2,500 people, as opposed to the Klan rally which was attended by 37 Klan members, 40 supporters, and 100 anti­ Klan protesters. 54 When the Klan requested a parade permit in Logansport, the city council passed an ordinance that made it unlawful for anyone over 18 years of age to wear a mask or hood. 55 Anyone who violates the ordinance may be fined up to $2,500.00. 56 However, the city of Goshen adopted a similar ordinance that was recently struck down as unconstitutional by a federal judge in northern Indiana.


44 " State's Racist Past Lurks in Shadows of Today, Experts say Indiana is Home to Fastest Growing Klan Faction in United
States, One Group Contends." The Indianapolis Star/ News, May 30, 1998.
45 " Intelligence Report," Winter 1999, Issue 93, The Southern Poverty Law Center, Montgomery, Ala., pp. 40­ 41.
46 " Klan Rallies Create Big Bills for Taxpayers." The Indianapolis Star/ News, March 29, 1998.
47 Ibid.
48 Ibid.
49 Ibid.
50 Ibid.
51 Ibid.
52 " More than 1, 200 Show Up to See Ku Klux Klan; Security Extremely Tight." Evansville Courier, October 18, 1998.
53 " Protestors Outnumber Klan At Rally." The Indianapolis Star/ News, August 31, 1998.
54 Ibid.
55 " Anti­ mask Ordinance Aimed at Stopping Klan." The Indianapolis Star/ News, July 8, 1998.
56 Ibid.
57 " Intelligence Report," Winter 1999, Issue 93, pp. 40­ 41.


Active Groups in Indiana

This list of active hate [extremist] groups is based on information gathered by the Intelligence Project of The Southern Poverty Law Center from hate [extremist] groups' publications, citizens' reports, law enforcement agencies, field sources, and news reports. Only organizations known to be active in 1998, whether that activity included marches, rallies, speeches, meetings, leafleting, publishing literature or criminal acts, were counted in the listing. Entities that appear to exist only in cyberspace are not included because they are likely to be individual Web publishers who like to portray themselves as powerful organized groups. This listing contains all known chapters of hate organizations.
    Groups are categorized as Klan, Neo­ Nazi, racist Skinheads, Christian Identity, Black Separatists, and other. Because racist Skinheads are migratory and often not affiliated with groups, this listing understates their numbers.


American Knights of the Ku Klux Klan
(national headquarters) Butler

International Keystone
Knights of the Ku Klux Klan
Various, Indiana

Invisible Empire, Indiana Ku Klux Klan

National Knights of the Ku Klux Klan
(national headquarters) South Bend

Order of the Ku Klux Klan
(headquarters) Rockville


Knights of Freedom
Crown Point

National Alliance
Crown Point

National Socialist White People's Party

(headquarters) Auburn

World Church of the Creator
Indianapolis 33.


Hammerskin Nation


Extremist Groups in America

Extremist, or superiority, groups are prevalent in the United States. There are many organizations dedicated to tracking the activities of extremist groups. A list of those organizations can be found in the resource section of this manual. One such organization is the Center for New Community, in Oak Park, Illinois.

The Center's New Community's Building Democracy Initiative tracks 272 far­ right organizations active in the Midwestern states of Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Michigan, Minnesota, Missouri, Nebraska, and Wisconsin. " Of those 272 groups, 52 are Christian Identity ministries, 99 are Christian Patriot/ militia groups, 35 are various Ku Klux Klan chapters, 61 are neo­ Nazi/ racist skinhead organizations, and 25 are other groups." 58

58 "The State of Hate 1998­ 1999: The Far­ Right in the Midwest," Center For New Community, p. 6. 35.

The Center has identified four types of supremacy groups. These supremacy groups are bound together by their use of the Bible to justify their bigotry and violent actions.

1. Christian Identity, with a Biblically­ based bigotry.
2. Christian Patriots, with Constitutional racism and paramilitary organizations.
3. Ku Klux Klan.
4. Neo­ Nazis, and racist Skinheads.

While white supremacist organizations used to be segmented into two populations: those who wanted to attain power through violent revolution and those who wanted to attain power nonviolently through public persuasion; however, the distinction has recently blurred. Many supremacist groups will now couch their message in mainstream language but privately condone terrorist acts. Supremacist groups have even found their way into local government.

Young people are being recruited into extremist organizations through the use of professional­ looking publications and music. For more on youth and hate see pages 14 ­ 16 of this manual. For a detailed description of the various supremacist groups, see the glossary of terms on pages 67 ­ 72 of this manual. For a list of far­ right organizations in the Midwest by state, see the following compilation.

Organizations in the Midwest 59

59 "The State of Hate 1998­ 1999: The Far­ Right in the Midwest," Center For New Community, pp. 15­ 17. For
additional information, please refer to the Center For New Community contact information provided in the resource
section of this manual.

I L L I N 0 I S

Adamic Christian Fellowship ­ Gurnee
Christian Conservative Churches of America ­ Louisville
Heirs of the Blessing ­ Herrin
Identity Christian Fellowship ­ Collinsville
Solid Oak Ministries ­ East Peoria
The Trumpet II ­ Macomb

Christian Patriots Defense League ­ Flora
Common law Court ­ Clark County
Erwin Rommel School of Common Law ­ Chicago
Illinois Constitutional Militia ­ Libertyville
Illinois Freedom Militia ­ Unknown
Illinois Patriots Coalition ­ Centralia
Jural Society ­ Springfield
Morgan County Minutemen ­ Jacksonville
Northern Illinois Militia ­ Romeoville
Northern Illinois Minutemen ­ Arlington Heights
Northwest Illinois Militia ­ Whiteside County
Southern Illinois Patriots League ­ Buncombe
Western Illinois Militia ­ Monmouth

American Knights of the Ku Klux Klan ­ Rantoul
Christian Knights of the Ku Klux Klan ­ Chicago
Federation of Klans, Knights of the KKK ­ Chicago
Illinois Knights ­ Smithboro
Illinois Knights (Imperial Klans of America) ­ Carpenterville
Imperial Klans of America ­ Decatur
Knights of the Ku Klux Klan (off­ shoot) ­ Wood River
New Order Knights ­ Energy

American National Socialist Resistance ­ Bellevue
American Nazi Party ­ Chicago
Aryan Book Center ­ Decatur
Aryan Free Press ­ Champaign
Aryan Graphics ­ Decatur
Aryan Nations ­ Orland Park
Aryan Nations ­ Pekin
Aryan Nations ­ Rock Island
Aryan Nations ­ Wood River
Day of the Rope ­ Carbondale
National Alliance ­ Arlington Heights
Northern Hammer Skins ­ Des Plaines
Northern Hammer Skins ­ Naperville
WCOTC ­ Chicago
WCOTC ­ East Peoria
WCOTC ­ Murphysboro
WCOTC ­ Rantoul
WCOTC ­ Springfield
White War Commission ­ Chicago

NAAWP ­ Columbia
NAAWP ­ Marissa
NAAWP ­ Peoria
U. S. Taxpayers Party ­ Elgin


Bible Truth Research ­ Underwood
Christian Israelite Church ­ Lafayette
Identity Baptist ­ South Bend
Identity Study Group ­ Franklin

Common Law Court ­ Adams County
Common Law Court ­ Delaware county
Common Law Court ­ Kosciusko County
Common Law Court ­ Ripley County
Common Law Court ­ Wabash County
Common Law Court ­ Warrick County
Dearborn County Militia ­ Dearborn County
Indiana Citizens Volunteer Militia ­ Howard County
Indiana Citizens Volunteer Militia ­ Morgan County
Indiana Citizens Volunteer Militia ­ Perry County
Indiana Citizens Volunteer Militia ­ Putnum County
Marion County Militia ­ Marion County

National Knights of the Ku Klux Klan ­ South Bend
American Knights of the Ku Klux Klan ­ Butler
American Knights of the Ku Klux Klan ­ Goshen
International Keystone Knights of the KKK ­ Coalmont
Order of the Ku Klux Klan ­ Rockville
Knights of the Ku Klux Klan (off­ shoot) ­ North Salem
Ku Klux Klan (Kourier) ­ South Bend

Aryan Nations ­ Winchester
Hammerskins ­ Bristol
National Socialist Party ­ Clarksville
National Socialist White Peoples Party ­ Indianapolis
Northern Hammer Skins ­ Guilford
WCOTC ­ Bloomington
WCOTC ­ Evansville
WCOTC ­ Indianapolis

NAAWP ­ Clarksville
NAAWP ­ Shelby
U. S. Taxpayers Party ­ Shoals


Remnant ­ Spirit Lake
Sacred Name Fellowship ­ Davenport
Sceptre Publishing ­ Cedar Rapids



National Socialist Movement ­ Dexter

U. S. Taxpayers Party ­ Story City


America's Future Christian Fellowship ­ Wichita
New Covenant Christian Fellowship ­ Wichita
Unificer ­ Olathe

American Constitutional Militia Network ­ Wichita
Christian Court ­ Abilene
Common Law Court ­ Jefferson County
Common Law Court ­ Shawnee County
Common Law Court ­ St. Mary's
Common Law Court ­ Wabaunsee County
Kansas Rangers ­ Undisclosed location
Kansas Territorial Agricultural Society ­ Rock

Knights of the Ku Klux Klan ­ Salina
New Order Knights ­ McFarland
New Order Knights ­ Lansing

Harnmerskins ­ Wichita
Salt City Skinheads ­ Hutchinson

U. S. Taxpayers Party ­ Wichita


Church of Christ in Israel ­ Munising
Life Tabernacle Church ­ East Lansing
New Covenant Christian Church ­ Munger
Proclaim Liberty Ministry ­ Adrian
Restoration Bible Church ­ Berkley
Restoration Bible Ministries ­ Royal Oak
Restoration Bible Mission ­ Vassar

Central East Michigan Regional Militia ­Arenac
Central East Michigan Regional Militia ­Bay City
Central East Michigan Regional Militia ­ Flint
Central East Michigan Regional Militia ­Gladwin County
Central East Michigan Regional Militia ­Ithaca
Central East Michigan Regional Militia ­Lapeer
Central East Michigan Regional Militia ­Midland
Central East Michigan Regional Militia ­Saginaw
Central East Michigan Regional Militia ­Shiawassee
Central East Michigan Regional Militia ­Tuscola County
Central West Michigan Regional Militia ­Grand Rapids
Central West Michigan Regional Militia ­Lakeview
Central West Michigan Regional Militia ­Mount Pleasant
Central West Michigan Regional Militia ­Muskegon
Central West Michigan Regional Militia ­Tustin
Christ County Jural Society ­Christ County
Common Law Court ­Lake County
Common Law Court ­Manistee County
Common Law Court ­Wexford County
Ethical Good Government ­Ionia County
County Justice Pro Se ­Dearborn
Lawful Path ­Tustin
LEGAL ­Pinckney
Michigan Electors Association ­Undisclosed location
Michigan Gun Owners ­Farmington
Michigan Jural Society ­Mount Pleasant
Michigan Jural Society ­Ovid
Michigan Militia ­Capac
Michigan Militia ­ Isabella County
Michigan Militia at large ­ Dexter Michigan
Militia Corps. ­ Alanson
Michigan Militia Corps. Wolverines 26th Brigade ­ ­ Deerfield
Michigan Militia Wolverine Corps. ­ Kalamazoo
Michigan Regional Militia ­ Bad Axe
National Confederation of Citizens Militias ­ Harbor Springs
North American Militia ­ Battle Creek
Northern Michigan Regional Militia ­ Alanson
Northern Michigan Regional Militia ­ Pellston
Northern Michigan Regional Militia ­ Wolverine
Southern Michigan Regional Militia ­ Allegan
Southern Michigan Regional Militia ­ Battle Creek
Southern Michigan Regional Militia ­ Burton
Southern Michigan Regional Militia ­ Fowlerville
Southern Michigan Regional Militia ­ Ingham County
Southern Michigan Regional Militia ­ St. Clair
Southern Michigan Regional Militia ­ Wayne County
St. Clair County Militia ­ Capac
Superior Michigan Regional Militia ­ Ishpeming
Superior Regional Militia Corps. ­ L'Anse
United States Theatre Command ­ Cass City

Knights of the Ku Klux Klan ­ Caledonia
Knights of the Ku Klux Klan (off­ shoot) ­ Hudson
Knights of the Ku Klux Klan (off­ shoot) ­ Waters
Knights of the White Kamellia ­ Howell
Knights of the White Kamellia ­ Lambertville
New Order Knights ­ Milford

Aryan Nations ­ Warren
European American Educational Association ­ Eastpointe
Harnmerskins ­ Rochester
National Alliance ­ Midland
SS Action Group ­ Dearborn Heights
Stormtrooper ­ Eastpointe
WCOTC ­ Cadillac
WCOTC ­ Detroit

Blood Bond Enterprises­ Waters
NAAWP ­ Dearborn Heights
NAAWP ­ Eastpointe
NAAWP ­ Garden Springs
U. S. Taxpayers Party ­ Portage


Freedom Books ­ Edgerton
God's Kingdom Ministries ­ Fridley
Gabriel's Enterprises ­ Albert Lea
Kingdom Evangelical Church ­ Hopkins
Weisman Publications ­ Burnsville

Citizens for a Constitutional Republic ­ Lakeville
Citizens for a Constitutional Minnesota ­ Apple Valley
Minnesota Constitutional Rangers ­ Unspecified
Minnesota Militia ­ St Cloud
Minnesota Minutemen Militia ­ Unspecified

Knights of the Ku Klux Klan (off­ shoot) ­ ­ Undisclosed location
Rangers of the Kross ­ Knights of the KKK ­ ­ Golden Valley

All­ American Boys ­ Rochester
Aryan Nations ­ Minneapolis
National Socialist Movement ­ Minneapolis
Northern Hammerskins ­ Hastings
Northern Hammerskins ­ St. Paul
Wolf Pack Services ­ Minneapolis / St. Paul

NAAWP ­ St. Paul
U. S. Taxpayers Party ­ Woodbury


Christian Adamite Party ­ Mountain Grove 38.
Church of Christ ­ Oak Grove
Church of Israel ­ Schell City
Faith Baptist Church and Ministry ­ Houston
New Covenant Church ­ Crocker
New Dawn Christian Ministries ­ Houston
Noah's Books ­ Lakeview
Our Savior's Church ­ Gainesville
Our Savior's Church ­ Gainesville
Restored Church of Jesus Christ ­ Independence
Son Light ­ Kearney
Voice of Warning ­ Independence

1st Missouri Volunteers ­ St. Louis
7th Missouri Militia ­ Granby
George Gordon School of Common Law ­ Isabella
Missouri 11th Christian Civilian Militia ­ Unspecified
Missouri 51st Militia ­ Grain Valley
Missouri Militia, 42nd Brigade ­ Lincoln County
Missouri Militia, 58th Brigade ­ Franklin County
Missouri Militia, 59th Brigade ­ St. Peters

Knights of the Ku Klux Klan (off­ shoot) ­ Humansville
Knights of the Ku Klux Klan (Robb) ­ St. Louis
Knights of the White Kamellia ­ Leslie
Missouri FOK (Federation of Klans) Inc. ­ St. Louis
New Order Knights of the Ku Klux Klan ­ Overland
Tri­ County White Knights of the Ku Klux Klan ­ Mt Grove
Western Missouri SA (Street Action) ­ Overland

Aryan Nations ­ Lees Summit
Fourth Reich Skins ­ Springfield
Hammerskins ­ Springfield
Northern Hammer Skins ­ St. Louis
Waynesville Skinheads ­ Waynesville
White Survival ­ Springfield

Council of Conservative Citizens ­ St Louis
NAAWP ­ Springfield
U. S. Taxpayers Party ­ Fenton
U. S. Taxpayers Party ­ Florissant


Covenant Christian Church ­ Omaha
Mission to Israel ­ Scottsbluff



NSDAP­ AO ­ Lincoln

NAAWP ­ Omaha
U. S. Taxpayers Party ­ Omaha


Basic Bible Church of America ­ Omro
Basic Bible Church of America ­ Tigerton
Christian Posse ­ Tigerton
Christians For Truth ­ Shawano
Common Law Research ­ Spooner
Last Trumpet Ministries ­ Beaver Dam
Mystery of the Kingdom Ministry ­ Wausau
Mystery of the Kingdom Ministry ­ Wausau
Wisconsin Church of Israel ­ Appleton

Family Farm Preservation Society ­ Tigerton
Present Day Patriots ­ Berlin
Wisconsin Militia ­ Green Bay

American Knights of the Ku Klux Klan ­ Mercer
New Order Knights ­ Franklin

Aryan Nations ­ Milwaukee
Euro­ American Alliance ­ Milwaukee
National Alliance ­ Fond du Lac
New Order / NS Publications ­ Milwaukee
Northern Hammer Skins ­ Hartland
Oi! Boys ­ Kenosha
Stormfront Records ­ Milwaukee
WCOTC ­ Franklin
WCOTC ­ Milwaukee
WCOTC ­ New Berlin

National Investor ­ Spooner
U. S. Taxpayers Party ­ Dousman
U. S. Taxpayers Party ­ Iron Ridge 39.

Christian Identity Movement: Philosophy

As described in Warrior Dreams: Violence And Manhood In Post­ Vietnam America By
William James Gibson (1994)

Most white racist groups subscribe to the Christian Identity philosophy to help make sense of the world. This religion was put forth by Edward Hines in an 1871 book called Identification of the British Nation With Lost Israel.

It goes like this:
Adam was the father of Abel; Eve slept with Satan, who fathered Cain. Cain, the first Jew, killed Abel and fled the Garden of Eden. Adam had more children and Yahweh chose one of them, Abraham, to receive the covenant and found the non­ Jewish Nation of Israel. Abraham's grandson Jacob took two wives and two concubines and fathered 12 sons, the leaders of the 12 tribes of Israel.

In 721 B. C. the Assyrian leader Sennacheri took the 10 northern tribes captive and they disappeared from biblical stories. Hines contends that these tribes became the settlers in Europe. One tribe eventually crossed the Atlantic on the Mayflower where God gave them a new covenant: The Declaration of Independence, the Constitution and the Bill Of Rights.

Meanwhile, in 586 B. C. Nebuchadnezzar seized the southern tribe of Judah and took them to Babylonia, where Cain fled after killing Abel. It was there he mated with wild animals and created nonwhite races known as "mud people" . Nebuchadnezzar converted the tribe of Judah to Satanism, and thus formed the " Jewry" ­ the people who killed Christ, gave birth to communism, and took over the Federal Reserve bank in the United States.

From this perspective, white Anglo­ Saxons are the true Jews ­ God's chosen people. As Satan and his children, the imposter Jews and their children, the mud people, gain power, the world approaches its end. Good Christians must be prepared for both the Apocalypse and to help bring the Apocalypse on through their battles against Satan's secular representatives of the Zionist Occupational Government (ZOG) that runs the United States.

60 Taken from a leaflet included in the Training Materials folder of the Criminal Justice Information Services Division
of the FBI. For additional information, please refer to FBI contact information provided in the resource section of this
manual. 40.

The Turner Diaries

Written by William Pierce under the pseudonym Andrew McDonald in 1978 (as described
in Warrior Dreams: Violence and Manhood in Post­ Vietnam America, by James William Gibson,

The book is built on the premise of a white government looking back on its successful rise to power. The diaries are an archaeological find. Earl Turner was an early foot soldier and hero.

The diary started in 1989, with enforcement of " The Cohen Act" . The whites have hidden their guns from the feds. The FBI and Israeli hitmen are hunting them down. At the same time the Supreme Court rules that rape laws are unconstitutional since they discriminate against men. Thousands of white women are immediately raped by blacks. Disarmed whites can no longer defend their women and the future of the white race is in doubt.

The organization strategy: guerilla assaults against the Zionist Occupational Government (ZOG) to cripple the " System" and to provoke liberals into oppressive measure against the white population.

Organized in cells or small groups so that if caught, one individual could not bring down everyone. These cells committed robberies and murders to finance the organization. They blow up the FBI building in Washington with ammonium nitrate fertilizer bomb in a truck.

A secret in­ group called the order is formed. Earl Turner is admitted into the order. After passing the lie­ detector tests he is given a secret book which allegedly tells about the white race and its place in the cosmos.

War continues and Turner is captured. He is tortured. He is told that he later must go on a suicide mission to remain in the order.

After a takeover in southern California the organization holds the " day of the rope" where thousands of white liberals and white women who have slept with blacks are hung from street posts. Jews are herded into canyons and shot. Blacks, Asians, and Latinos are exiled.

The war intensifies. Major cities are destroyed. ZOG is crippled. Turner flies suicide mission into Pentagon.

An all­ white nation survives.

61 Taken from a leaflet included in the Training Materials folder of the Criminal Justice Information Services Division of the FBI. For additional information, please refer to FBI contact information provided in the resource section of this manual.


Similarities between The Turner Diaries and the Oklahoma City Bombing

The information below was compiled by investigators at Klanwatch of The Southern Poverty Law Center, and published in the " Klanwatch Intelligence Report," June 1995. It has been updated by the ICRC since the trial and conviction of Timothy McVeigh. For additional information, please refer to Southern Poverty Law Center contact information provided in the resource section of this manual.

Turner Diaries vs Oklahoma City Bombing



Target was a federal law enforcement building

Target was federal building

Truck bomb

Truck bomb

Bomb was "a little under 5, 000 pounds"

Bomb was 4,400 pounds

Bomb was a mixture of fuel oil and ammonium
nitrate fertilizer

Bomb was a mixture of fuel oil, and ammonium nitrate fertilizer

Bomb went off at 9: 15 a. m.

Bomb went off at 9:05 a.m.

Bomb designed to blow off front of building
causing upper floors to collapse.

Bomb blew off the front of the building causing upper floors to collapse

Bombing sparked by passage of federal gun
control act

McVeigh was violently opposed to federal gun control

The main character, Turner, considers himself
a "patriot"

McVeigh considered himself a "patriot"

Turner was a member of anti­ government
underground cell

McVeigh peripherally­ associated with anti­ government groups

Terrorist robbed banks to fund war

Despite having no jobs, McVeigh and another suspect had thousands of dollars, ski masks and pipes similar to those used in 13 bank robberies.

The National Alliance 62

62 Excerpts are taken from " Explosion of Hate: The Growing Danger of the National Alliance," Anti­ Defamation League publication, 1998, pp. 43 ­ 45. For additional information, please refer to Anti­ Defamation League contact information provided in the resource section of this manual.

The National Alliance has had several incarnations. The group was originally established by Willis Carto, anti­ Semitic founder of Liberty Lobby, as the " Youth for Wallace" campaign in support of the 1968 Presidential bid of Alabama Governor George Wallace. After Wallace lost the Presidential race, Carto renamed his organization the National Youth Alliance and attempted to recruit activists to his increasingly radical anti­ democratic cause. In 1970, William Pierce, a former American Nazi Party (ANP) officer and editor of the National Socialist World, left the National Socialist White People's Party (NSWPP), the successor to the ANP, to join the National Youth Alliance. According to the Washington Post at the time, the National Youth Alliance attracted several former ANP activists. These extremists ultimately led the organization away from Carto's influence.

By 1971, Pierce and Carto were openly feuding. Carto accused Pierce of stealing the Liberty Lobby mailing list and sending the individuals listed on it " poison pen" letters that vilified Carto's group. The hostilities between the two men have not abated. Carto currently blames Pierce for a dispute begun in 1993 between Liberty Lobby and another Carto­ founded group, the Holocaust­ denying Institute for Historical Review.

Since 1974, when the National Alliance dropped the word " Youth" from its name, Pierce has run the group and edited its magazine, National Vanguard (originally titled Attack!), as well as an internal newsletter, National Alliance Bulletin (formerly called Action). The National Alliance also publishes National Vanguard Books, a catalog of racist and anti­ Semitic literature. Unsolicited promotional materials about the catalog and extremist publications listing the catalog have been sent to high school and college students across the country. The principal books promoted by the National Alliance have been the Turner Diaries, a novel published in 1978, and Hunter, a second work of fiction published in 1989.

In 1985, Pierce relocated the National Alliance from Arlington, Virginia, to a 346­ acre farm near Mill Point, West Virginia, which he bought for $95,000 in cash. There has been some speculation over the years that at least some of the money used for the purchase had come from the proceeds of bank and armored car robberies committed by The Order. Authorities believe that of the $4 million stolen by members of the terrorist band, $750,000 was distributed to various white supremacist allies. Tom Martinez, a one­ time associate of Bob Mathews who became an FBI informant, has written that in November 1984, Mathews admitted to him that he had donated some of The Order's loot to William Pierce. That same month, Pierce bought the West Virginia farm. He converted it to a compound and called it the " Cosmotheist Community Church." Pierce then filed for federal, state and local tax exemptions. But in 1986, the " Church" lost its state tax exemption for all but 60 acres and those buildings being used exclusively for " religious purposes."

Pierce's formation of the " Church" appears to have been a last­ ditch effort to avoid paying taxes. Pierce had tried, years earlier, to acquire tax­ exempt status for the National Alliance itself by claiming that his organization was " educational." But the Internal Revenue Service denied the application in 1978. While Pierce appealed, the U. S. Court of Appeals upheld the IRS's decision in 1983, ruling that the National Alliance did not qualify as an educational organization. (The court's position was supported by amicus curiae briefs filed by ADL, the American Jewish Congress and the NAACP.) The court noted that Pierce's organization " repetitively appeals for
action, including violence" to injure members of " named racial, religious, or ethnic groups," and added that National Alliance published materials that " cannot reasonably be considered intellectual exposition."

Meanwhile, Pierce continued to invest in unusual real estate ventures. In 1992, he paid $100,000 to Ben Klassen (who is now deceased), founder of the racist, anti­ Semitic and anti­ Christian Church of the Creator (COTC), for a 21­ acre compound in Macon County, North Carolina. Klassen undersold the property, possibly in an attempt to unload his assets and avoid a civil lawsuit holding his organization vicariously responsible for the murder of an African­ American sailor by a COTC member.

Pierce put the North Carolina property up for sale again almost immediately after he bought it from Klassen, with an asking price of nearly three times what he had paid. A buyer unconnected to the white supremacist movement purchased the land a year later for $185,000. The Southern Poverty Law Center, representing the sailor's family, filed suit against Pierce, arguing that the original sale had been a fraudulent pretest to avoid paying the family damages in their claim against Klassen. On May 19, 1996, a federal jury ruled against Pierce and ordered that he gave the murdered sailor's family the $85,000 profit he made from the land sale.

In 1986, the National Alliance purchased 100 shares of AT& T stock, which enabled the group to place resolutions on the ballot of the corporation's annual shareholders meeting. The first such resolution, proposed in 1987, called for an end to AT& T's minority hiring program, on the grounds that Black people are intellectually inferior to whites. With the explicit condemnation by company officials, the resolution received 8.6 percent of shareholders' votes. The National Alliance resubmitted this proposal over the next three years, with no appreciable change in support. In 1991, the NA group submitted a new resolution calling for AT& T to stop doing all business with Israel. Following a vigorous campaign against the resolution, it was voted down by 96 percent of shareholders. The following year AT& T blocked the National Alliance from resubmitting the anti­ Israel proposal; the Securities and Exchange Commission upheld their effort against Pierce's group.

The Militia Movement: The New Klan? 63

63 Excerpts are taken from "The Crisis," the national magazine of the NAACP, August­ September 1995, pp. 22 ­ 23,
and p. 37. For additional information, please refer to NAACP contact information provided in the resource section of
this manual.

The (militia) movement has been the focus of national scrutiny since a bomb exploded outside an Oklahoma City federal building in April, killing over 100 people and injuring hundreds of others. Much of the evidence pointed toward 27­ year­ old Timothy McVeigh, an Army veteran and Pendleton, N. Y. native who had a history of involvement with the militia groups.

There are at least 224 militia groups operating in 39 states, according to a report by Klanwatch, an affiliate of the Southern Poverty Law Center. They are united in their hatred of federal regulatory and taxation policies. Some of them are armed and want to overthrow the federal government by force. Others want more power to be given to local officials.

John Trochmann, founder of the Militia of Montana, recently told a congressional panel that the militias were nothing more " than a giant neighborhood watch." But Michael Reynolds, the head of the Southern Poverty Law Center's Militia Task Force, says many militia members seek to revive the states­ rights arguments settled by the Civil War. Others have ties to the Ku Klux Klan, the neo­ Nazis and other white supremacist groups. Reynolds calls them spewers of " fear and hatred."

What is the real nature of the militia movement? Is it inherently racist and, as such, little more than an updated version of the Klan? Or does it represent a rough­ hewn citizens' movement for social justice? Supporters of the movement have no doubt as to the answer.

The militia movement is a group of people who want to fight the movement of the federal government away from its constitutional foundations," argues M. Samuel Sherwood, national director of the U. S. Militia Association. " The groups fight for different things in different parts of the country," Sherwood adds. " In Idaho, the federal government administers more than half of the state's land, through its control of national parks, military bases and other apparatus. The land available for private ownership is very expensive. This makes life more difficult in the state. There is less property tax money available for state revenue. This contributes to the poor quality of the Idaho schools."

" Many of the people in militias are evangelical Christians," states Phillip Litton, a member of the California Republican Assembly. " The state is ordained by God," Litton continues. " It is our responsibility to oppose the state when it violates divine laws from above. The federal government is confiscating people's wealth through income tax. It is getting hard for the lower middle class to pay taxes. The government is also violating the civil rights of its citizens. It violates the rights of Randy Weaver. If it violated his rights, it will violate the rights of all of us. But violence should only be used as a last resort."

Weaver was a white supremacist who barricaded himself inside his Naples, Idaho home in August 1992 and fought an eight­ day series of gun battles with federal law enforcement officials trying to arrest him. His wife, son and a federal marshal were killed in the standoff. Weaver had been a fugitive sought on gun­ peddling charges. He was later exonerated by a jury from conspiracy charges and has become a hero to supporters of anti­ government, right­ wing policies.

" After the Waco and Randy Weaver incidents, I began to realize that something was wrong," states militia leader John Mills. " That was when I decided to form the Alameda County Militia six or seven months ago. Clinton and his people have been running cocaine through Arkansas. His wife has already been indicted. The government is importing drugs into the inner city."

Mills, who is black, says the states' rights concept is not necessarily racist. " The government controls education. It controls a person's personal life. But if federal power were transferred to local authorities, the people would have control over those matters."

Sherwood says only one (1) percent of militia members are white supremacists. In his view, the federal government oppresses everyone. Whatever reforms the militia movement is able to carry out must take into account the diversity of U. S. society. Racism only allows the federal government to engage in the practice of " divide and conquer," Sherwood adds. " There are 2, 000 men enrolled in militia groups in Idaho alone. And there will be more incidents like the Oklahoma City bombing unless some changes are made."

But opponents of the militia movement say it is anything but the benign image put forth by its proponents. Forty­ five (45) of the nation's 224 militia groups have ties with white supremacist groups, according to a Klanwatch report.

Many of them stockpile weapons and ammunition and conduct military­ style field exercises. Some sell propaganda and military manuals giving instructions on how to conduct guerrilla warfare, the Klanwatch report adds. The vast majority of the members of militia groups are white males.

There are 100, 000 members of militia groups in the country, 25, 000 of whom are hard­ core white supremacists, according to the Center for Democratic Renewal. The Center is an Atlanta­ based watchdog group that monitors right­ wing extremist activities.

The very concept of the independently operating militia unit was conceived from a 1992 gathering of white supremacists in Estes Park, Colorado, the Klanwatch report continues. Stirred by Weaver incident, they hashed out the idea that small, leaderless groups could some day provoke a revolt against the federal government by engaging in random acts of violence. The most extreme, racist militias evolved out of this meeting, the report adds.

Most militia members, however, are not white supremacists. Their connections to the radical right are often more subtle. They put forward reasonable sounding ideas like distributing federal power to local authorities. They may not even be aware that such concepts have been historically used to oppress minorities, states Chip Berlet, an analyst with Political Research Associates.

" Many militia members hold views where they could easily say something like 'I have a lot of black friends, ' yet believe the Bill of Rights should be eliminated," argues Bill Wassmith, the executive director of the Northwest Coalition Against Malicious Harassment. Many of the arguments the militias make were used " to justify slavery."

The group's constant bombardment of their members with negative, conspiratorial information eventually makes them more militant, increasing the movement's size of its extremist wing over time, argues Noah Chandler, an analyst at the Center for Democratic Renewal.

The militia's movement's future is an open question. American society has changed in the past generation and right­ wing extremist politics has had to change with it. Open expression of bigotry is frowned upon. Former United Klans of America Imperial Wizard Robert Shelton summed it up best in a recent interview: " Times are changing. Society's changing. You can't have parades with Klansmen in robes anymore. You can't have Klansmen riding horses through the streets anymore. The public won't go along with it… "

The militia goes halfway. It preserves many of the old ideas of the white supremacist movement while maintaining a heterogeneous membership base. The militia movement's militarism and conspiracy theories only appeal to a small group of people. In a number of small, isolated communities, militias have had a major impact. They come to meetings armed and intimidate elected officials and even discourage some people from running for public office. Militia groups are getting better at packaging their views with issues like gun control that appeal to large numbers of people.

The militia and the white supremacist movement make mainstream politics more conservative, Chandler adds. California's Proposition 187, that would reduce the rights of immigrants, was popularized by former Klansman David Duke. Now it is seriously debated, Chandler continues.

" The Southern Poverty Law Center's Reynolds looks beyond the shores of the United States to Bosnia and Lebanon for his views of militias. Those countries are armed camps. The same thing could happen in the United States, he warns.


Section II



State Legislation

Forty states and the District of Columbia have enacted laws to recognize and penalize hate crimes, which include civil and criminal penalties for actions motivated by bias that cause damage to persons or property. 65 Ten states, including Indiana, are currently without any statutory provisions to address hate crimes. All 40 states have hate crime laws protecting race, religion, and ethnicity. Twenty­ one states have included disability as a protected class, and 20 states have included gender as a protected class. Nineteen states have added sexual orientation as a protected class.

Almost all of the states with hate crime legislation have adopted penalty enhancement provisions. 66 Penalty enhancement provisions serve to increase the penalty associated with a criminal or civil violation if it is determined that group bias was a motivating factor. In a landmark decision, the United States Supreme Court upheld Wisconsin's penalty enhancement provisions, stating that the First and Fourteenth Amendments did not prohibit penalty enhancement provisions. The Court stated, " the Wisconsin statute singles out for enhancement bias inspired conduct because this conduct is thought to inflict greater individual and societal harm." 67 The Court noted, " the State's desire to redress these perceived harms provides an adequate explanation for its penalty enhancement provision over and above mere disagreement with offenders' beliefs or biases." 68

Federal 65
The Federal government has an essential leadership role to play in confronting
criminal activity motivated by prejudice and promoting prejudice reduction initiatives for
schools and the community.

The Hate Crime Statistics Act (28 U. S. C. 534) Enacted in 1990, the HCSA requires the Justice Department to acquire data on crimes which " manifest prejudice based on race, religion, sexual orientation, or ethnicity" from law enforcement agencies across the country and to publish an annual summary of the findings. In the Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act of 1994, Congress expanded coverage of the HCSA to require FBI reporting on crimes based on " disability."

Police officials have come to appreciate the law enforcement and community benefits of tracking hate crime and responding to it in a priority fashion. By compiling statistics and charting the geographic distribution of these crimes, police officials are positioned to discern patterns and anticipate increases in racial tensions in a given jurisdiction. Law enforcement officials can advance community­ police relations by demonstrating a commitment to be both tough on hate crime perpetrators and sensitive
to the special needs of hate crime victims.

65 " 1999 Hate Crimes Laws," The Anti­ Defamation League, New York, N. Y., 1999, p. 2.
66 Ibid.
67 Wisconsin v. Mitchell, 508 U. S. 4776 (1993)
68 Ibid.
69 " 1999 Hate Crimes Laws," Anti­ Defamation League, pp. 7­ 10. For additional information, please refer
to the Anti­ Defamation League contact information provided in the resource section of this manual. 49.

The FBI documented a total of 4, 558 hate crimes in 1991, reported from almost 2,800 police departments in 32 states. The Bureau's 1992 data, released in March 1994, documented 7, 442 hate crime incidents reported from more than twice as many agencies, 6, 181 ­ representing 42 states and the District of Columbia. For 1993, the FBI reported 7, 587 hate crimes from 6, 865 agencies in 47 states and the District of Columbia. The FBI's 1994 statistics documented 5, 932 hate crimes, reported by 7,356 law enforcement agencies across the country. The FBI's 1995 report documented 7,947 crimes reported by 9,584 agencies across the country.

The FBI's most recent HCSA report, for 1996, documented 8,759 hate crimes reported by 11,355 agencies across the country. The FBI report indicated that about 63 percent of the reported hate crimes were race­ based, with 14 percent committed against individuals on the basis of their religion, 11 percent on the basis of ethnicity, and 12 percent on the basis of sexual orientation. Approximately 42 percent of the reported crimes were anti­ Black, 13 percent of the crimes were anti­ White. The 1, 109 crimes against Jews and Jewish institutions comprised almost 13 percent of the total ­ and 79 percent of the reported hate crimes based on religion. Four percent of the crimes were anti­ Asian, and just over 6 percent were anti­ Hispanic.

Despite an incomplete reporting record over the early years of the Act, the HCSA has proved to be a powerful mechanism to confront violent bigotry against individuals on the basis of their race, religion, sexual orientation, or ethnicity ­ and a spark for increased public awareness of the problem. Studies have demonstrated that victims are more likely to report a hate crime if they know a special reporting system is in place.

The Hate Crimes Sentencing Enhancement Act Originally introduced as separate legislation by Rep. Charles Schumer (D­ NY) and Sen. Dianne Feinstein (D­ CA), this measure was enacted into law as Section 280003 of the Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act of 1994. The provision directed the United States Sentencing Commission to provide a sentencing enhancement of " not less than 3 offense levels for offenses that the finder of fact at trial determines beyond a reasonable doubt are hate crimes." The provision defined a hate crime as " a crime in which the defendant intentionally selects a victim, or in the case of a property crime, intentionally selects the property, because of the actual or perceived race, color, religion, national origin, ethnicity, gender, disability, or sexual orientation of any person." This measure, the Federal counterpart for state hate crime penalty­ enhancement statutes, applies, inter alia, to attacks and vandalism which occur in national parks and on other Federal property.

In May 1995, the United States Sentencing Commission announced its implementation of a three­ level sentencing guidelines increase for hate crimes, as directed by Congress. This amendment took effect on November 1, 1995. The Violence Against Women Act of 1994 (42 U. S. C. 1398 1)
In September of 1994, the Violence Against Women Act of 1994 (VAWA), which is comprehensive legislation that addresses the increasing problem of violent crime against women, was passed by Congress. This law provides authority for domestic violence and rape crisis centers and for education and training programs for law enforcement and prosecutors. Under VAWA, " ( a) ll persons within the United States shall have the right to be free from crimes of violence motivated by gender." One provision of VAWA is a new Federal civil remedy for victims of gender­ based violent crimes, which provides them with the right to compensatory and punitive damage awards as well as injunctive relief.

The Church Arsons Prevention Act (18 U. S. C. 247)
The disturbing series of attacks against houses of worship in recent years has had a searing impact on the nation and served as another graphic reminder that America's long struggle against racial and religious intolerance is far from over. Law enforcement investigators and private watchdog groups, like the ADL, have seen no indication that these attacks are part of a national conspiracy of domestic terrorism directed by organized hate [extremist] groups, however we should not be comforted by this fact. Hate activity predominantly may not result from a conspiracy, but rather hate activity does reflect that many individuals, in different parts of the country, at different times, and too often inspired by hate, act independently to commit these crimes.

According to Justice Department officials, from January 1, 1995, to August 18, 1998, DOJ has opened 658 investigations of suspicious fires, bombings, and attempted bombings, and has made arrests in 225 of these incidents ­ involving 301 subjects. Of the 658 attacks directed against houses of worship, 220 were predominately African American institutions. Of the 301 persons arrested for these crimes, 44 have been African Americans, and 117 have been juveniles.

The Church Arsons Prevention Act, sponsored by Sens. Lauch Faircloth (R­ NC) and Edward Kennedy (D­ MA), and, in the House, by Reps. Henry Hyde (R­ IL) and John Conyers (D­ MI), was originally designed solely to facilitate Federal investigations and prosecutions of these crimes by amending 18 U. S. C. §247, a statute enacted by Congress in 1988 to provide Federal jurisdiction for religious vandalism cases in which the destruction exceeds $10, 000. Hearings were held on both the impact of these crimes and the appropriate response of government. Federal prosecutors testified that the statute's restrictive interstate commerce requirement and its relatively significant damages threshold had been obstacles to federal prosecutions.

Following the hearings, Congress found that " [ t] he incidence of arson of places of religious worship has recently increased, especially in the context of places of religious worship that serve predominately African­ American congregations." Legislators appropriately recognized that the nation's response to the rash of arsons should be more ambitious and comprehensive than mere efforts to ensure swift and sure punishment for the perpetrators.

In an example of bi­ partisanship, both the House and the Senate unanimously approved legislation which broadened existing Federal criminal jurisdiction and facilitated criminal prosecutions for attacks against houses of worship, increased penalties for these crimes, established a loan guarantee recovery fund for rebuilding, and authorized additional personnel for the ATF, the FBI, Justice Department prosecutors, and the Justice Department's Community Relations Service to 'investigate, prevent, and respond' to these incidents. Recognizing that data collection efforts complement criminal prosecutions of hate crime offenders, Congress included a continuing mandate for the HCSA.

The Hate Crimes Prevention Act (HCPA):
Expanding the Justice Department's Criminal Civil Rights Jurisdiction

The HCPA, sponsored by Sens. Kennedy (D­ MA), Specter (R­ PA), and Wyden (D­ OR), and by Reps. Schumer (D­ NY), and McCollum (R­ FL), would amend Section 245 of Title 18 U. S. C., one of the primary statutes used to combat racial and religious bias­ motivated violence. The current statute prohibits intentional interference, by force or threat of force, with the enjoyment of a Federal right or benefit (such as voting, going to school, or employment) on the basis of race, color, religion, or national origin. Under the current statute, the government must prove both that the crime occurred because of a person's membership in a protected group, such as race or religion, and because (not while) he or she was engaging in a federally­ protected activity.

In its current form, the statute leaves federal prosecutors powerless to intervene in bias­ motivated crimes when they cannot establish the victim's involvement in a federally­ protected activity. Nor can federal authorities step in to act in cases involving death or serious bodily injury based on sexual orientation, gender, or disability­ based bias when local law enforcement is not available. While states continue to play the primary role in the prosecution of bias­ motivated violence, the federal government must have jurisdiction to address those limited cases in which local authorities are either unable or unwilling to investigate and prosecute.

The legislation, which has attracted the support of a broad range of national civil rights groups, state and local government associations, and law enforcement organizations, would amend 18 U. S. C. §245 in two ways: first, it would provide new authority for federal officials to investigate and prosecute cases in which the bias violence occurs because of the victim's real or perceived sexual orientation, gender, or disability. Secondly, the measure would remove the overly restrictive obstacles to federal involvement by permitting prosecutions without requiring proof that the victim was attacked because he or she was engaged in a federally­ protected activity.

B. INDIVIDUAL Responses 70

70 Adapted and expanded from a publication of the New York City Gay and Lesbian Anti­ Violence Project

What you should do if you are a victim of a hate crime 70 All hate incidents are specific and you must use your own judgment in regard to your own individual action plan; however, here are some suggestions that might prove useful.

! If you are assaulted or attacked, call 911 and seek medical attention.
You should seek medical attention even if you do not believe you are seriously

! Report the incident to the police.
You should report a hate crime incident as soon as possible to your state and local
police. The emergency number of the state police is 800/ 582­ 8440 or in Indianapolis
call 897­ 6220.

! Report all hate crimes to the FBI. (See the resource section of this manual for
contact information.)

! Document the hate crime.
Document specific details, photograph visible signs of the incident (such as injuries, vandalism, etc.). Make notes of pertinent facts while they are fresh in your mind. Details can be very important. Keep a list of the names of police officers, hospital workers and court officials to whom you speak and write down what they say.

! Fill out and send in an Indiana Civil Rights Commission Hate Crime Incident Report Form.

! Develop a safety plan.
Notify family and friends of the incident. Think through steps to reduce any danger.

! Alert the Community.
Perpetrators of hate violence perceive a lack of police, media and public response as encouragement to commit additional acts. You should not feel alone­ hate violence is a community problem, not an individual one. Most communities are willing to stand up to hate crimes and to insist public officials take appropriate action. For ideas, contact your local Human Rights office or the Indiana Civil Rights Commission.

There are many normal physical and emotional reactions after surviving a crime. Emotional reactions include denial ­ pretending that the crime never happened, anger, loneliness, fear, anxiety, nightmares, flashbacks, depression and problems with concentration. Physical problems include headaches, stomachaches, difficulty sleeping, change in appetite, sexual difficulties and a general lack of energy. Remember that no one has the right to batter, abuse or assault you. You are not responsible for the violence committed by others.

Twelve Techniques for Citizens to Assist Healing Racial Intolerance 71
71 Adapted and expanded from " Ten Ways of Ally­ Building for the Healing of Racism," www. servicelearning.org/ihr/ally.html, Institute for the Healing of Racism, Salt Lake City, 1993.

1. Intervene in situations where something discriminatory is happening and " interpret it" in a safe, non­ judgmental manner. When speaking to someone who has an opposing position, avoid using the word " you," which may elicit a defensive response.

2. Take the time to review your own personal history with regard to bigotry to reflect on how present behavior and thought patterns were established. This activity may be done alone, with a friend, or in a workshop group.

3. Make the conscious decision and take action to establish meaningful friendships with people of different racial, ethnic, religious backgrounds. Overcome the societal pattern toward separation.

4. Develop the ability to listen objectively to the anger and hurt of another person without taking it personally. Recognize that the hurt comes from a long history of injustice and frustration and " getting it out" to a true listener is in itself healing.

5. Make a commitment to correct missing and incorrect information one has been given. Educate yourself and others through personal reading, study and investigation.

6. Seek out positive aspects of your own heritage. Identify true heroes and heroines from your own background in order to take complete pride in your own heritage.

7. Become aware that bigoted patterns exist within us, even if we are not conscious of them. Make a consistent effort to bring prejudices to consciousness and overcome them.

8. Learn how to risk making mistakes and to change mistakes into growth experiences.

9. Continue to educate yourself on what is currently happening with others in our world through reading their newspapers, magazines, listening to leaders, etc.

10. Form multi­ cultural support groups. Dialogue and understanding can go a long way to eliminating stereotyping.

11. Have a compassionate attitude with people who have been hurt. Note that most individuals often want closeness despite their cautious responses.

12. Listen and find the fear in a person who is acting out their bigoted conditioning rather than just blaming and getting mad at them. Think of such people as " recovering" from bigoted conditioning.


Best Practices in Indiana:
Learning Tolerance and Nonviolence

Then Indiana Governor Frank O'Bannon asked the Indiana Civil Rights Commission (ICRC) to compile a comprehensive book of successful race relation programs, called Best Practices, currently in progress throughout the state. This book, Indiana's Best Practices Celebrating Diversity, serves as a resource guide to assist Indiana communities in sharing and gathering ideas to implement similar programs.

One section of the book is devoted to Indiana's youth programs that provide training and curriculum for teaching peaceful conflict resolution and increased understanding and acceptance of racial and ethnic differences. Examples of these programs include:

Conflict Resolution This program is sponsored by 100 Black Men of Indianapolis. It provides male volunteers to assist with counseling and activities, which train young people to resolve problems nonviolently. Some 130 youngsters spend the night at the Fall Creek YMCA for this annual activity.

Peace Learning Center This organization provides conflict resolution training, implements peer mediation programs, and promotes peaceful initiatives. Initially the day­ long program was provided to every fourth grade class in the Indianapolis Public School system; the program has now been expanded to middle and high school classes.

There is also a Summer Peace Camp in which some 5, 000 middle school students have participated. The curriculum includes classes such as: A Philosophy of Peace, Rules for Fighting Fair, and Non­ Violent Safe Escape.

Project Peace This effort is jointly sponsored by the Indiana Attorney General's Office and the Indiana Bar Association. A conflict mediation program is provided to schools to teach students skills of responding to conflict, respect and appreciation for people's differences, and understanding prejudice and how it works.

Study Circles The YWCA of Indianapolis has expanding their Racial Relations Education into the school system by piloting three study circles in Indianapolis Middle Schools. Films and two of the Study Circles Resource Center's curriculums, Facing the Challenge of Racism and Race Relations and Youth Issues, Youth Voices will be used to encourage young people to discuss their feelings, beliefs, concerns, and experiences with race relations and focus on developing successful interaction and communication skills between youth of various races, ethnic groups, cultural, and social backgrounds. There are also several national organizations referenced in the book which provide curriculum and programs for youth which help to reduce prejudice, increase respect and understanding of racial and ethnic differences, and promote peaceful conflict resolution.
These include:

Center for Living Democracy
Educators for Social Responsibility
Facing History and Ourselves
Green Circle Program
Healing Our Nation
National Coalition Building Institute
National Conference for Community and Justice
National Multicultural Institute
REACH (Respecting Ethnic and Cultural Heritage)
SHINE (Seeking Harmony In Neighborhoods Everyday)
Study Circles Resource Center
Teaching Tolerance

Indiana's Best Practices Celebrating Diversity book has been distributed, among other locations, to Indiana schools, libraries, mayors, churches, service organizations, businesses, and government and law enforcement agencies. New "Best Practices" will be continuously updated on Indiana Civil Rights Commission's web site: http:// www. state. in. us/ icrc. Call Indiana Civil Rights Commission at (317) 233­ 6306 or (800) 628­ 2909 to get a copy of the book or to obtain a form to submit a new Best Practice.

Responding To Extremist Groups 72

72 "When Hate Groups Come to Town," Center for Democratic Renewal and Education, Inc., p. 183. For
additional information, please refer to the Center for Democratic Renewal contact information provided in
the resource section of this manual.

! Document the problem and stay informed.
Your first step should be to conduct thorough research about hate [extremist] group activity and bigoted violence in your community. Develop a chronology of incidents drawing on newspaper accounts, victim reports, and other sources. Stay informed about developments by clipping your local newspaper, subscribing to other publications, and networking with other individuals and agencies.

! Speak out and create a moral barrier to hate activity.
Communities that ignore the problem of hate [extremist] group activity and bigoted violence can sometimes create the impression that they don't care. This silence is often interpreted by hate [extremist] groups as an invitation to step up their activities. Through press conferences, rallies, community meetings, and public hearings, you can create a climate of public opinion that condemns racism and bigotry right from the start.

! Match the solution to the problem.
Whatever strategy you use to respond should be tailored to the specific situation you are dealing with; don't rely on rigid, formula­ type solutions.

! Build coalition.
Hate violence and bigotry against one targeted group helps to legitimize activities against other groups. If you involve a wide spectrum of people representing diverse constituencies, you will have a better chance of achieving a unified, effective response.

! Assist victims.
Providing support and aid to hate violence victims is central to any response strategy. Don't get so busy organizing press conferences and issuing proclamations that you forget to make a house call and express your personal support.

! Work with constituencies targeted for recruitment.
People who join hate [extremist] groups usually do so out of frustration, fear, and anger; they might even be your neighbors next door. By offering meaningful social, economic, spiritual and political alternatives you can discourage participation in hate [extremist] groups by the very people most vulnerable to recruitment.

! Target your own community as well as the hate [extremist] group.
Organizations like the Ku Klux Klan don't create social conflict out of thin air; they have to feed off existing community tensions in order to exist. The enemy of community harmony is not always the hate [extremist] group itself, but the existing bigotry and division the group can exploit. For these and other reasons it is also essential to conduct anti­ bigotry education programs on an ongoing basis, after the hate [extremist] group has left your community.

! Encourage peer­ based responses among youth.
Young people respond best to leadership that comes from within their peer group. While adults can provide valuable resources and insight, it is essential that youth groups develop and cultivate their own leaders and implement programs of their own design to combat bigotry.

! Broaden your agenda.
The problem is more than criminal. Hate activity is a political and social problem requiring a range of responses beyond those initiated by police. Citizen advocacy groups, religious agencies, and others should develop a public policy agenda that addresses a wide range of issues, including appropriate legislation, mandatory school curricula, expanded victim services, etc."

Remember that hate [extremist] groups are not a fringe phenomenon and their followers don't always wear white sheets. Although the number of active white supremacists and neo­ Nazis probably total no more that 25,000 in the United States, as many as 500, 000 Americans read their literature. This movements is complex and made up of numerous sometimes competing and sometimes cooperating organizations. Hate [extremist] groups impact the mainstream of society in a variety of ways, including: running candidates for public office; publishing sophisticated propaganda; buying radio time and media outlets; distributing cable television programs; manipulating the media; and building alliances with more respectable conservative groups, including some fundamentalist and evangelical Christian organizations.

Building a Community­ Based Coalition
Against Bias Crimes and Incidents 73

73 Adapted and expanded from "Community Response to Bias Crimes and Incidents," National Institute
Against Prejudice & Violence, Inc., pp. 8 ­ 17. For additional information, please refer to the National
Institute Against Prejudice & Violence contact information provided in the resource section of this manual.

Anyone concerned about intergroup conflict and violence in a community can help start a coalition. Coalitions are formed for all kinds of purposes by all kinds of groups. A coalition is an organization of diverse groups that combine their material and human resources in order to achieve a goal that they cannot attain separately. If you or your organization believes that your community is at risk for intergroup conflict (and most communities today are), you can take steps to begin the formation of a community­ based coalition against bias crimes and incidents.

Successful coalitions include representation from all the various racial, ethnic, religious, and socioeconomic groups that make up the community, as well as from any group that is a likely target for bigotry.

It usually takes a few key organizations who agree on the need for a coalition to get things started. Which organizations those are will depend on the makeup of your community. "

  • Are religious congregations highly regarded as community leaders?
  • Are there strong advocacy groups such as the NAACP, a branch
    of the Anti­ Defamation League, a gay and lesbian task force, a Japanese­ American Citizens
    League, or other groups in the community? "
  • Does your town or city have a human relations commission? "
  • Are certain businesses noted for taking an active role in community issues?

Beginning with key groups and branching out to include all the populations that should be represented are two vital steps to building a coalition. In some cases the local human relations commission can serve as the organizing force for the coalition.

Enlisting the support of well­ known leaders helps gain credibility.
Early on, identify a top government official, such as the mayor, county executive, city council president, or a prominent civic leader who will lend her of his name to your coalition­ building efforts. Issue initial invitations in the name of this leader. Let potential members know that they are needed.

Demonstrate that a problem exists.
Use news clippings, victim testimony, arrest reports, and information from victim assistance programs to illustrate the need for community action. Show examples of communities where coalitions have met with success.

Assessing Community Resources
Once a coalition is formed, an important first step is to assess the resources that already exist in your community for dealing with bias crimes and incidents.

The Hate Crime Statistics Act of 1990 is a potential resource for all communities.
In 1990 President Bush signed into the law the Hate Crime Statistics Act (HCSA). The HCSA requires the U. S. Attorney General to acquire data "about crimes which manifest evidence of prejudice based on race, religion, sexual orientation, or ethnicity." The law also mandates the Attorney General to "publish an annual summary of the data acquired." The HCSA leaves it up to each state to voluntarily collect and share data on hate crimes. "
Are all of the categories in the HCSA (race, religion, sexual orientation, and ethnicity) covered in the bias crime laws of your state? Is additional legislation needed? "
Have law enforcement officers in your community received training on the HCSA and how to identify, report and respond to bias crimes in ways that are consistent with the federal law?

Assess bias crime laws in your state, county, and city. "
What criminal laws are directed at prejudice­ motivated violence in your state? What civil laws? "
Which victim groups are protected under the laws? Racial? Ethnic? Religious? Sexual Orientation? Women? Disabled? "
What bills concerning bias violence are being considered by the state legislature, county board of supervisors, or city council?
Assess the role of your local police and sheriff's departments. "
Do they have a special bias crimes or community disorders unit? "
Do they keep statistics and other data on bias crimes, such as type of crime, location, time of day, and profile of victim? "
What types of training ­ including the identifying bias crimes and being sensitive to certain minority groups ­ do their officers receive? "
What types of community outreach do they do regarding prejudice­ motivated crimes?

Assess the role of your county prosecutor's (CP) office. "
Does it have a special bias crime or civil rights unit, or a designated prosecutor? "
Do potential bias crime cases receive special attention? "
What types of training do assistant CPs receive regarding bias crimes? "
What type of community outreach does it do regarding bias crimes? "
What is the office's relationship with other community groups and agencies, such as
the local human relations commission?

Find out if your community has a human relations commission and learn about its role in responding to bias incidents and providing support to victims and
Does your community have a human relations commission? "
What services, programs, and other resources does your commission provide? How
can your community use them? "
How can your coalition establish a relationship with one or more contact people at the commission and keep a two­ way flow of information going?

Determine what roles other community organizations play in responding to bias crimes and incidents. "
What groups in your area are actively concerned about bias incidents? "
What groups provide victim assistance? "
What groups have established a system of reporting and tracking bias crimes incidents? "
What groups have speakers' bureau? "
What groups are working with local law enforcement agencies?
" What types of legislative lobbying efforts are they undertaking?
" What groups would be willing to become part of your coalition?

Identify avenues of victim assistance in your area. "
Does your state have a crime victims' assistance program? Does it offer victim compensation? What about a victim's bill of rights? "
What services does the local department of mental health offer? "
Do any community groups, rape crisis centers, or crime victim services agencies in the area offer counseling to bias crimes victims? "
Are there any mental health care professionals willing to donate their services to victims of hate crimes? "
Are there any legal services agencies that provide legal representation free of charge?

Elements of Effective School­ Based Hate Prevention Programs 74

A comprehensive hate prevention program will involve all school personnel in creating a school climate in which prejudice and hate­ motivated behavior are not acceptable, but which also permits the expression of diverse viewpoints. Hate prevention, as used in this manual, means prevention of hate­ motivated behavior and crimes.

1. Provide hate prevention training to all staff, including teachers, administrators, school security personnel, and support staff. All school employees, including teachers, administrators, support staff, bus drivers, and security staff should be aware of the various manifestations of hate and be competent to address hate incidents. Training should include anti­ bias and conflict resolution methods; procedures for identifying and reporting incidents of racial, religious, and sexual harassment, discrimination and hate crimes; strategies for preventing such incidents from occurring; and identification of resources available to assist in dealing with these incidents.

2. Ensure that all students receive hate prevention training through age­ appropriate classroom activities, assemblies, and other school­ related activities. Prejudice and discrimination are learned attitudes and behaviors. Neither is uncontrollable or inevitable. Teaching children that even subtle forms of hate such as ethnic slurs or epithets, negative or offensive name­ calling, stereotyping, and exclusion are hurtful and inherently wrong can help to prevent more extreme, violent manifestations of hate. Through structured classroom activities and programs, children can begin to develop empathy, while practicing the critical thinking and conflict resolution skills needed to recognize and respond to various manifestations of hate behavior.

3. Develop partnerships with families, community organizations, and law enforcement agencies. Hate crime prevention cannot be accomplished by schools alone. School districts are encouraged to develop partnerships with parent groups, youth serving organizations, criminal justice agencies, victim assistance organizations, businesses, advocacy groups, and religious organizations. These partnerships can help identify resources available to school personnel to address hate incidents, raise community awareness of the issue, ensure appropriate responses to hate incidents, and ensure that youth receive a consistent message that hate motivated behavior will not be tolerated.

4. Develop a hate prevention policy to distribute to every student, every student's family, and every employee of the school district. An effective hate prevention policy will promote a school climate in which racial, religious, ethnic, gender and other differences, as well as freedom of thought and expression are respected and appreciated. The policy should be developed with the input of parents, students, teachers, community members, and school administrators. It should include a description of the types of behavior prohibited under the policy; the roles and responsibilities of students and staff in preventing and reporting hate incidents or crimes; the range of possible consequences for engaging in this type of behavior; and locations of resources in the school and community where students can go for help. It should respect diverse viewpoints, freedom of thought, and freedom of expression. Every student should be informed of the contents of the policy and school districts are advised to consult with an attorney in the course of developing such a policy.

74 "Preventing Youth Hate Crime," U. S. Department of Education, Office of Elementary and Secondary Education,
Safe and Drug Free Schools Program, pp. 3 ­ 6. For additional information, please refer to U. S. Department of
Education contact information provided in the resource section of this manual. 5. Develop a range of corrective actions for those who violate school hate­ prevention policies. School districts are encouraged to take a firm position against all injurious
manifestations of hate, from ethnic slurs, racial epithets, and taunts, to graffiti, vandalism, discrimination, harassment, intimidation and violence. School districts can develop a wide range of non­ disciplinary corrective actions to respond to incidents including counseling, parent conferences, community service, awareness training, or completion of a research paper on an issue related to hate, as well as disciplinary actions such as in­ school suspension or expulsion. School officials should be prepared to contact local, state or federal civil rights officials to respond to more serious incidents and in cases involving criminal activity or the threat of criminal activity should call the police.

6. Collect and use data to focus district­ wide hate prevention efforts. Collection of data on the occurrence of school­ based hate incidents or crimes will assist administrators and
teachers to identify patterns and to more effectively implement hate prevention policies and programs. To obtain such data school districts may include questions regarding hate crimes on surveys they conduct related to school crime and discipline, as well as collect and analyze incident­ based data on specific hate incidents and crimes. In the latter case, school districts are encouraged to work closely with local law enforcement personnel to collect uniform and consistent data on hate crime.

7. Provide structured opportunities for integration. Young people can begin to interact across racial and ethnic lines through school­ supported organizations and activities. Multi­ ethnic teams of students can work together on community service projects, to organize extracurricular events or to complete class projects. High school students can participate in service­ learning projects in which they tutor, coach, or otherwise assist younger students from diverse backgrounds.

Which hate crime and civil rights laws apply to educational institutions?

A number of federal and state laws prohibit acts or threats of violence, as well as harassment and discrimination, based on race, color, religion, national origin, sexual orientation, gender and/ or disability. It is important to check with an attorney to ascertain the extent to which federal and state hate crime and civil rights laws may also apply in the school context. The applicable federal laws include the following:

18 U. S. C. Section 245, the principal federal hate crime statute, prohibits intentional use of force or threat of force against a person because of his or her race, color, religion, or national origin, and because he or she was engaged in a federally­ protected activity, such as enrolling in or attending any public school or college. Legislation has been introduced which would amend Section 245 to include crimes committed because of the victim's sexual orientation, gender or disability, and to eliminate the federally­ protected activity requirement.

Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. Title VI and regulations promulgated under Title VI prohibit discrimination by institutions that receive federal funding, including harassment on the basis of race, color, and national origin. (Note: ICRC underscoring)

Title IX of the Education Amendments of 1972. Title IX and regulations promulgated under Title IX prohibit discrimination by institutions that receive federal funding including harassment based on sex.

Section 504 of the Rehabilitation Act of 1973. Section 504 and regulations promulgated under Section 503 prohibit discrimination by institutions that received federal funding; including harassment based on disability.

Ten Ways Communities Fight Hate 75

75 This section reproduces excerpts from a publication of the Southern Poverty Law Center, "Ten Ways to Fight
Hate. A Community Response Guide," 1999 Second Edition, pp. 4­ 23. 65.

1. ACT: Do something, in the face of hatred, apathy will be interpreted as acceptance­ ­ by the haters, the public and worse, the victim. Decency must be exercised, too. If it isn't, hate invariably persists.

"The Klan is coming to our town. What should we do?"
"I am very alarmed at hate crimes... What can I as Joe Citizen do to help?"
"I find myself wanting to act, to show support for the victims, to demonstrate my anger and sorrow... I don't know what to do, or how to begin..."

If you've opened this guide, you probably want to "do something" about hate. You are not alone. Queries like these arrive daily at the Southern Poverty Law Center. When a hate crime occurs or a hate [extremist] group rallies, good people often feel helpless.


Hate is an open attack on tolerance and decency. It must be countered with acts of goodness. Sitting home with your virtue does no good. In the face of hate, silence is deadly. Apathy will be interpreted as acceptance ­ by the haters, the public and, worse, the victim. If not answered, hate can persist and grow.

Hate is an attack on a community's health. It tears society along ethnic, gender and religious lines, and ignites emotions that need to be channeled. For all their " patriotic" rhetoric, hate [extremist] groups and their freelance imitators are really trying to divide us. Their views are fundamentally anti­ democratic. Your actions can support individual rights. Think of fighting
hate as civil defense.

Hate events are rarely " isolated." They often are a symptom of tension in the community. Take seriously even the smallest hint of hate ­ even name­ calling. Those who are targeted do.


Pick up the phone. Call friends and colleagues. Host a small meeting. Stand up in church. Suggest some action.
Sign a petition. Attend a vigil. Lead a prayer. Pick up a paint brush to cover graffiti.
Use the skills and means you have.
A San Diego musician wrote a song about the death of Matthew Shepard, the gay student in
Laramie, Wyoming, and sold CDs to raise money for anti­ hate groups. A Montana T­ shirt shop
printed up a shirt with a tolerance message. In Idaho, a plant manager bused employees to a
rally denouncing white supremacists.

2. UNITE: Call a friend or co­ worker, organize a group of allies from churches, schools, clubs and other civic sources, create a diverse coalition. Include children, police and the media. Gather ideas from everyone, and get everyone involved.

Call the circle around you: family, neighbors, co­ workers, people in your church, synagogue or civic club. Meet informally at first.

Call on groups that are likely to respond to a hate event: a faith alliance, labor unions, teachers, women's groups, university faculties, fair housing councils, the " Y" and youth groups. Make a special effort to involve businesses, politicians, police, children and members of minority and target groups.

Go door­ to­ door in the neighborhood where the hate occurred, spreading the news and inviting participation in a rally, candlelight vigil or other public event. Put up ribbons or turn on porch lights as symbolic gestures. Declare a hate­ free zone with a poster contest and a unity pledge. Set up a booth in a local mall to collect signatures on the pledge. Buy an ad and print
the pledge and the contest winners.

Fashion an appropriate, local response, but gather ideas from other towns that have faced hate events. A good starting point is a group viewing of the PBS video " Not in our Town." It tells the story of Billings, Montana's inspiring fight against white supremacists.

3. SUPPORT THE VICTIMS: Hate crime victims are especially vulnerable, fearful and alone. Let them know you care. Surround them with people they feel comfortable with. If you're a victim, report every incident and ask for help.

Victims of hate crimes feel terribly alone and afraid. They have been attacked for being who they are, and silence amplifies their isolation. They need a strong, quick message that they are valued. Small acts of kindness ­ a phone call, a letter ­ can help.

In Montgomery, Alabama, after hate mail and nails were thrown at black families in a formerly all­ white neighborhood, a woman left a rose and a card, telling them " You are not alone."

As white supremacists marched in Coeur d'Alene, Idaho, a number of families invited black and Hispanic neighbors to dinner. " Just as a way of saying, 'You are welcome, '" said one host.

When the Inner City Church in Knoxville, Tennessee, was burned and spray­ painted with racial threats, a local chapter of the National Coalition Building Institute gathered 300 signatures of support and presented them to the congregation as it met three days later in the parking lot.


A burning cross evokes for blacks the terrifying specter of lynching. A scrawled swastika is an epithet from the Holocaust that says Jews are not wanted alive. Because hate criminals target members of a group, an attack on one is meant as an attack on all, and the terror is felt by others in the group. We urge hate victims to report the crime to police. Because they may
fear " the system," they may welcome the presence of others at the police station or courthouse.

After white supremacists harassed a Sacramento family, a labor union provided round­ the­ clock security. At Gonzaga University in Spokane, administrators moved final exams for harassed black students to a safe location. 66.
When a cross was burned at a migrant camp in Bellingham, Washington, police hired a translator from the Immigration and Naturalization Service to gather information. Suddenly afraid of being deported, the migrant worker wouldn't talk, until a human rights worker interceded.

Only you can decide whether to reveal your identity. But many victims have found the
courage to lend their names to fighting hate. If you decide to speak up, we recommend:

Reporting every incident. If you are a targeted minority, harassment could continue. What began as egg throwing at five black families in rural Selbrook, Alabama, escalated for 18 months until hate mail made it a federal offense. The story made the news, police patrolled and harassment declined.

Speaking to the press. Your story, with a frank discussion of the impact on your family life, can be a powerful motivator to others. Copycat crimes are possible, but rare. More likely, you'll be encouraged by love and support. After an Arab­ American family in Montgomery County, Maryland, was repeatedly harassed during the Gulf War, the mother told her story.
The community rallied, and a suspect was convicted. In Watertown, New York, a black minister talked about the vulgar hate mail he received. His community held a special unity rally. "Denying that racism exists, or not talking about it, will not cause it to go away," he said.

Researching your legal rights. After enduring racial slurs, slashed tires, broken windows, and the wounding of their dog by their white neighbor, a six­ foot burning cross finally moved Andrew Bailey and Sharon Henderson of Chicago to file suit against the neighbor. A federal jury awarded them $720, 000.

4. DO YOUR HOMEWORK: Determine if a hate [extremist] group is involved, and research its symbols and agenda. Seek advice from anti­ hate organizations. Accurate information can then be spread to the community.

Know who and what you're fighting. Eruptions of hate generally produce one of two reactions: apathy (" it's just an isolated act of kooks" ) or fear (" the world is out of control" ). Before reacting, communities need accurate information about haters and their danger.

The Southern Poverty Law Center reports around 500 organized US hate [extremist] groups, virtually all white supremacists with a handful of black separatist groups. Some are tiny ­ a handful of men ­ but armed with a computer, E­ mail and a Web site, their reach is immense, their message capable of entering a child's private bedroom.

In their literature and Web sites, hate [extremist] groups rail at growing minority populations
that will make whites another minority in the 21st century. Like some of their brothers­ in­ arms in
militia groups, they also spread fears of losing control of America to a "One World Government"
dominated by Jewish bankers, multinational corporations and the United Nations. More often
than not, members of hate [extremist] groups use scapegoats to blame for their personal
failures, low self­esteem, anger and frustration. They frequently act under the influence of
alcohol or drugs.

Though their views may be couched in code words, members of hate [extremist] groups
typically share these extremist views: 67.
They want to limit the rights of certain groups and separate society along racial, ethnic or religious lines.
They believe in conspiracies. They try to silence any opposition.
They are antigovernment and fundamentalist.
And yet, most hate crimes are not committed by members of hate [extremist] groups. SPLC
estimates that less than 15 percent of hate crimes can be linked to group members. The
majority appear to be the work of "free­ lance" haters, young males who are looking for thrills, or
defending some turf, or trying to blame someone for their troubles. Rarely are they acting from
deeply held ideology. These young men have adopted the rhetoric of hate [extremist] groups,
however, and they mix stereotypes with a culture of violence. In their minds, certain people are
"suitable victims," somehow deserving of their hostility. They attack target groups randomly,
choosing whoever is convenient.

The Southern Poverty Law Center, the Anti­ Defamation League and many other human
rights organizations have information and advice on hate [extremist] groups. They have helped
many communities deal with crises.

When skinheads threatened to disrupt the performance of a punk band with a human rights
message, Eugene, Oregon, panicked and canceled the concert. "The neo­ Nazi skinheads
won," said Eric Ward, co­ director of the University of Oregon's black student union at the time.
"None of us knew anything about the white supremacist movement." Ward helped form a
group, Communities Against Hate, and sent for literature from the Southern Poverty Law
Center. "I remember reading my first Klanwatch Report and feeling sick to my stomach." The
group then gathered data on local skinheads and, when several individuals fired a machine gun
into a Jewish synagogue, provided police with tips that led to an arrest. When skinheads began
following students of color home from school, the group called a forum and showed slides of 40
Nazis living in Salem, 60 miles away. The skinheads were identified with brutal frankness: "This
guy took an ice pick to a Hispanic… this Nazi took a knife and stabbed Stephen at this school,"
said Michele Lefkowith of Communities Against Hate.

When a white power rock concert was announced in Traverse City, Michigan, a group of
citizens created "Hate­ Free TC" and sought help from the Center for New Community. In a day­ long
seminar, human rights experts educated local people about neo­ Nazi skinheads, their
racist music and their connection to an international movement that includes Nazis, white
supremacists and the Christian Identity church. They later held an alternative rock concert, and
the publicity forced cancellation of the white power gathering.

After seeing mail, including a "pastor's license," arrive for his son, an Indiana father realized
that the teenager was connecting to a hate Web site operated by a white supremacist group
disguised as a church. It helped explain the boy's adoption of Nazi symbols and style. The
father wrote the church, demanded that E­ mail be stopped and threatened suit.

5. CREATE AN ALTERNATIVE: Do not attend a hate rally, find another outlet for anger and frustration and people's desire to do something. Hold a unity rally or parade. Find a news hook, like a "hate­ free zone."

Hate has a First Amendment right. Courts have routinely upheld the constitutional right of
the Ku Klux Klan and other hate [extremist] groups to hold rallies and say what they want. In
1998, for example, the American Knights of the Ku Klux Klan held 39 weekend rallies in 14
states. Communities can restrict group movements to avoid conflicts with other citizens, but
hate rallies will continue. Your efforts should focus on channeling people away from rallies.

As much as you'd like to physically show your opposition to hate, shout back or throw
something, confrontations only serve the haters. They also burden law enforcement with
protecting hate mongers against otherwise law­ abiding citizens.

In Memphis, Tennessee, a riot broke out between a Klan rally and counter­ demonstrators on
Martin Luther King's birthday. More than 100 police threw tear gas canisters and arrested 20
anti­ Klan demonstrators while protecting the Klan' right to rally and speak.

A 25­ minute march by the Aryan Nations through 15 blocks of Coeur d'Alene, Idaho, cost
the state, county and city more than $125, 000 for public safety. Mayor Steve Judy described
this as money spent to protect free speech. "But we could have taken the money and done a lot
for human rights with it."

Ann Arbor, Michigan, was stung by a 1996 rally in which 300 police failed to protect the Klan
from a chanting crowd that threw rocks and sticks, hurting seven policemen and destroying
property. The Klan's members were able to stand on the First Amendment, surrounded by what
one of their leaders called "animal behavior." Two years later, Ann Arbor police were better
prepared. A 115­ person "peace team" was trained to stand between the Klan and its
opponents. Anti­ Klan forces tore down a fence and police again used tear gas, but
commentators felt the yellow­ shirted peace team kept trouble to a minimum. The team
remained together for rapid response to hate events.

Every act of hatred should be met with an act of love and unity. Many communities facing a
Klan rally have held alternative events at the same hour, some distance away. They have
included a community picnic, a parade or unity fair with food, music, exhibits and entertainment.
These events emphasize strength in diversity and the positive aspects of the community. They
also give people a safe outlet for the frustration and anger they want to vent. As a woman at a
Spokane human rights rally and reggae dance put it, "Being passive is something I don't want to
do. I need to make some kind of commitment to human rights."

After the dragging death of James Byrd Jr. in Jasper, Texas, the KKK rallied on the
courthouse lawn while black Muslims paraded by. Local people, who had demonstrated their
feelings at a courthouse vigil one week after the murder, stayed away. Yellow ribbons from that
event still fluttered from locked storefronts as a mute response to the Klan's hate. Hundreds of
journalists did record the black­ versus­ white demonstrations, but locals were not involved.

Pulaski, Tennessee, the birthplace of the Ku Klux Klan in 1866, closed its doors to white
supremacists attempting to rally in 1989. Racists found the town closed for business, including
McDonald's, the grocery store and Wal­ Mart. "They couldn't find a place to get a hamburger or
even go to the bathroom," the mayor said. In subsequent years, the KKK rally became a joke,
and even the media got bored with it. "Last year no one came," said the mayor, "The year
before that, the only TV was the Comedy Channel."

When the Klan came to Indianapolis, local museums, the state capitol and other attractions
opened their doors to citizens for free. Community leaders held a youth rally in a ballroom. A
huge coalition, including the mayor and the NFL's Indianapolis Colts, placed a full­ page ad in
The Indianapolis Star deploring the Klan.

During a unity parade in a Pennsylvania village, a local clown troupe donned red noses,
wigs and floral sheets under the name Kook Lutz Klowns to spoof the fascists. In Pittsburgh, a
coalition held a "parade of banners" in which families carried homemade banners with a
message either denouncing hate or promoting diversity.

When the Klan rallied in Madison, Wisconsin, a coalition of ministers organized citizens to
spend the day working in minority homes and neighborhoods. Volunteer Judy Dettwiler said
she wanted to "do something constructive and uplifting which would be in opposition to what the
Klan stands for. So, I'm cleaning cupboards at the Hispanic community center this afternoon.
I've never been there, but I'm looking forward to doing something for my community."

When the Ku Klux Klan announced plans to clean up shoulders and ditches along a stretch
of road under the Adopt­ a­ Highway program in Palatine, Illinois ­ and officials realized they
couldn't stop it ­ local teenagers flooded City Hall with so many applications that they claimed
every inch of highway earmarked for the program and pushed the Klan onto a waiting list.
"Truth and love and kindness and caring won out over hate," Mayor Rita Mullins said. " It
restored my faith in humanity."

For many years in Cincinnati, the KKK has erected a cross and rallied in the downtown
Fountain Square at Christmas. Embarrassed city officials failed to stop it in court so decided to
keep a low profile, fearing bad publicity. But when Klan attendance appeared to be growing,
City Councilman Tyrone Yates organized a multicultural flashlight vigil on an evening when Klan
members would not be around. Speakers included national civil rights heroes. "You couldn't let
the evil of the Klan cross just stand there with no voice in opposition," said Yates. " Too few
speak out because it is uneasy, it is uncomfortable, it is inconvenient and it may ruin our
shopping season," he told a local reporter. "But in the long run we help our cause and we help
our downtown."

6. SPEAK UP: You, too, have first amendment rights. Hate must be exposed and denounced. Buy an ad. Help news organizations achieve balance and depth. Do
not debate hate mongers in conflict­ driven talk shows.

Goodness has a first amendment right, too. We urge you to denounce hate [extremist]
groups and hate crimes, and spread the truth about hate's threat to a pluralistic society. An
informed community is the best defense against hate.

You can spread tolerance through church bulletins, door­ to­ door flyers, Web sites, local
cable TV bulletin boards, letters to the editor and print advertisements. Hate shrivels under
strong light. Beneath their neo­ Nazi exteriors, hate purveyors are cowards, surprisingly subject
to public pressure and ostracism.

When the 20­ year­ old "national leader" of the Aryan Nations in Canada was exposed by the
Prince George Citizen, he resigned and closed his Web site. "I don't want to have this plastered
all over the place," he said.

Floyd Cochran, a former recruiter for the Aryan Nations, recalls the night he and founder
Richard Butler traveled to tiny Sandpoint, Idaho, to intimidate a human relations meeting. When
they found 300 people, they were intimidated themselves. "I didn't go back to Sandpoint
because of the turnout," Cochran said. 70.


News outlets cover hate crimes and groups. Don't kill the messenger. Consider hate news a wake­ up call, revealing tension in the community. Attack the problem. Reporters will then
cover you, too.

Name a press contact for your group. This keeps the message consistent and allows the press to quickly seek comment or reaction to events. Invite the press to all your meetings.

The media likes news hooks and catchy phrases like "Hate Free Zone." Propose human­ interest stories, such as the impact of hate on individuals. Think of " photo­ ops." Kids make
good subjects.

Educate reporters, editors and publishers about hate [extremist] groups, their symbols and their effect on victims and communities. Put them in touch with hate experts like the
Southern Poverty Law Center. Urge editorial stands against hate.

Criticize the press when it falls short. Remind editors that it is not fair to focus on 20 Klansmen when 300 people attend a peace rally.

Do not debate white supremacists or other hate mongers on conflict­ driven talk shows or public forums. Your presence lends them legitimacy and publicity, they use code words to
cover their hate beliefs, and they misinterpret history and Bible verses in a manner that is
difficult to counter under time constraints.

7. LOBBY LEADERS: Persuade politicians, business and community leaders to take a stand against hate. Early action creates a positive reputation for the community,
while unanswered hate will eventually be bad for business.

The fight against hate needs community leaders willing to take a stand. Mayor, police
chief, college president, school principal, corporate CEO ­ key people can quickly turn a hate
event into a positive community experience. They can muster support. They are quoted in the
news. They set a tone, direction and good example. Without leadership, much of the public,
busy with raising children and changing channels, will continue to avoid the issue.

Silence from a leader creates a vacuum. Rumors spread and victims and perpetrators get
the wrong message. Since Hitler's Germany, silence has been recognized as hate's greatest
ally. The lesson was relearned in the 1980s and 1990s in many American states faced with the
new white supremacists and militia groups. Fear of "negative publicity" resulted in silence. In
many cases, hate escalated and became not just a public relations nightmare, but also a deadly
threat to individuals and the civic order.


A quick, serious police response to hate crimes. Vigorous prosecution also encourages the public to stand up against hate.

A strong public statement by political leaders. Politically, there is no "down side" to a public stand against hate, and official opposition intimidates members of hate [extremist] groups.
The mayor of Albuquerque, New Mexico, for example, signed an official proclamation
declaring a hate [extremist] group "to be un­ welcome in our city." In Wisconsin, the Dane
County board issued a strongly worded official condemnation of the KKK prior to a rally. 71.
A working relationship between police and human rights coalitions. When police are called and determine a hate crime, they should notify coalitions. Victim support can begin immediately. In return, coalitions can act as early warning systems for law enforcement. Montgomery County, Maryland, sponsors a hot line for reporting crimes, with rewards for tips leading to an arrest.

The workplace in America is an untapped resource for promoting tolerance. Adults of all
sexes, races, religions and ethnicities mix for long hours in pursuit of a common goal. We urge
CEOs to turn this force loose on both the bottom line and community problems.

Proctor & Gamble has funded television ads, "Don't Be Afraid, Be a Friend," that encourage
children to make friends across racial, ethnic and disability lines.

Levi Strauss contributed $5 million to Project Change to reduce racial prejudice and hate
crimes and to help people of color get loans in communities where it has plants: Knoxville,
Albuquerque, El Paso and Valdosta, Georgia.

The Greater Seattle Chamber of Commerce sponsors " It's Time to Talk" to encourage
business professionals to share personal experiences across race lines. After an annual
banquet, the chamber coordinates hundreds of integrated dinner parties in private homes.

The White Dog Café in Philadelphia uses "good food to lure customers into social activism,"
says founder Judy Wicks, who began a "sister restaurant" program in the city's ghetto areas.
She escorts upscale white customers out for dinner at minority­ owned restaurants followed by
ethnic programs ranging from Latino dance clubs to black theater. Ten percent of the
company's profits go into social activism.

8. LOOK LONG RANGE: create a "bias response" team. Host annual events, such as a parade or culture fair, to celebrate your community's diversity and harmony. Build
something the community needs. Create a web site.

The best barrier to hate is a tolerant community. After a hate crisis, we recommend turning
a crisis team into a long­ term tolerance committee. A small group of committed people can
build a moral barrier to hate or at least create an atmosphere in which hate outbreaks are rare.
As Chris Boucher of Yukon, Pennsylvania, put it after a handful of people ran the Klan out of
town: " A united coalition is like Teflon. Hate can't stick there." Experts say the first step in
changing hearts is to change behavior. By acting tolerant, people begin to respect one another.
Begin with positive statements and symbolic gestures. Make tolerance a habit, an activity as
normal as your kids' soccer practice.


Hold candlelight vigils, religious services and other activities to bring people of different
races, religions and ethnic groups together. In Boise, Idaho, Martin Luther King's birthday has
become an 11­ day Human Rights Celebration.

Create a local "I Have a Dream" contest, in which people imagine and describe an ideal
community. In North Berkshire, Massachusetts, winning essays by children are reproduced and
rolled onto highway billboards donated by the Callahan Outdoor Advertising Company.

Use any excuse to celebrate diversity. In Selma, Alabama, a major weekend street fair
is held on the anniversary of Bloody Sunday, when voting­ rights activists attempting to walk
across a bridge to Montgomery were beaten back by police. In Denver, Cinco de Mayo has
become a major celebration of Mexican culture.

Break bread together. The Friendly Supper Club in Montgomery, Alabama, has no
agenda, no speakers and only one rule at its monthly meeting: bring a person of another race or
culture with you for "honest interaction."

Move from prayer to action. In California's San Fernando Valley, women of an interfaith
council have formed "home dialogues" with women from different faiths and cultures that meet
together in their homes. In Covington, Kentucky, churchwomen conducted a letter­ writing
campaign to support hate crime legislation. They later promoted teacher training in race

Begin a community conversation on race. Discussion groups, book clubs, Internet chat
rooms and library gatherings can bring people together. One of the most effective sessions
allows individuals to tell their stories, their immigration history, their daily encounters with
discrimination, their fear about revealing sexual orientation.

Consider building something the community needs, from Habitat for Humanity housing to
a new park.

Create a tolerance Web site. Coloradans United Against Hate is a Web­ based,
" paperless organization" with a virtual billboard that posts stories and comments on local hate

Many regions have created networks of human rights coalitions. They share information
on hate [extremist] groups and individual hate mongers and can mobilize a large anti­ hate team
when needed.

The Michigan Ecumenical Forum, for example, organized a web of churches in
Muskegon County after the Oklahoma City bombing revealed a connection to the Michigan
militia movement. Taking stock, the Forum's mainstream churches realized that "a lot of good
church folks" had become estranged from government, making them susceptible to militia
recruitment, said Steven Johns Boehme, who heads the Forum. The Forum sponsored a major
conference on the militia. At its conclusion, participants created Community United for Peace, a
county­ wide clearinghouse for prejudice, race and hate issues and a bridge between villages
and groups, between black and white churches. The coalition also acts as a nerve center,
picking up news of white supremacist events throughout rural Michigan. The coalition has won
accolades from the National Council of Churches.

"You have to stop thinking of the militia as wackos on the fringe," said Boehme. "They are
there because the ground in the area is receptive for it. If you drop the seeds of prejudice in soil
that is not receptive, they won't take root."

The Pennsylvania Network of Unity Coalitions connects many groups that are fighting the
Ku Klux Klan and other white supremacists throughout the state. The state publishes a
"Klanwatch" list of activities. As hate [extremist] groups test the waters of new communities with
speeches and rallies, local leaders can call on the coalition's members for practical advice.
Each new Klan rally tends to create a new local unity coalition, adding to the tolerance web.

The Northwest Coalition against Malicious Harassment links grassroots groups in the hate
hotbed of Montana, Idaho, Washington and Oregon. "No individual stands alone," says Director
Bill Wassmuth, who believes local coalitions are the best single weapon against hate crimes.
"You can create an atmosphere in which a bigot cannot thrive."

9. TEACH TOLERANCE: Bias is learned early, usually at home. But children from different cultures can be influenced by school programs and curricula. Sponsor an
"I have a dream" contest. Target youths who may be tempted by skinheads or other
hate [extremist] groups.

Bias is learned in childhood. By the age of three, children are aware of racial differences
and may have the perception that "white" is desirable. By the age of 12, they hold stereotypes
about numerous ethnic, racial and religious groups, according to the Leadership Conference
Education Fund. Because stereotypes underlie hate, and half of all hate crimes are committed
by young men under 20, tolerance education is critical. About 10 percent of hate crimes occur
in schools and colleges, but schools can be an ideal environment to counter bias. Schools mix
youths of different backgrounds, place them on equal footings and allow one­ on­ one interaction.
Children are also naturally curious about people who are different.

Teaching Tolerance, a program of the Southern Poverty Law Center, believes that diversity
education should begin in preschool and continue through college.

Acknowledge differences among students and celebrate the uniqueness of every one.
In Debra Goldsbury's first­ grade class in Seattle, children paint self­ portraits, mixing colors to
match their skin tone. They then name their colors, which have included "gingerbread," "melon"
and "terra cotta." They learn that everyone has a color, that no one is actually "white."
Establish a "You can't say you can't play" policy. Created by teacher Vivian Paley in
Chicago, the rule prohibits the kind of hurtful rejection children dish out and suffer. " We must
start in kindergarten," she says. "Justice must become an intuitive law."

Promote inclusion and fairness, but allow discussions of all feelings, including bias
learned at home and the street. Establish a "peace table" where children learn to "fight fair,"
perhaps with hand puppets in which conflict is acted out.

Use sports to bridge racial gaps. Flames, a nonprofit Brooklyn, New York, interracial
basketball program, enrolls 1,000 students, ages 8­ 20, every year.

Promote diversity by letting children tell stories about their families, however different
they may be. Diversity embraces not just race, but age, religion, marital status and personal
ability. Remember that charting " family trees" can be a challenge to some children, such as
those who are adopted or living with single parents.

Teach older children to look critically at stereotypes portrayed by the media. Ask them
to close their eyes and imagine a lawyer, doctor, rap musician, gang member, bank president,
hair stylist or criminal. What did they " see" and why? Confronted with their own stereotypes,
children begin to question how they've been shaped by the media.

Teach mediation skills to kids. Some 300,000 high school students are physically
attacked every month, according to the National Institute of Education. One survey of 130 New
York City teachers found that after student mediators went to work, incidents of violence and name calling declined dramatically, while cooperation and communication among students
increased significantly.

The massacre at Columbine High School in Littleton, Colorado, demonstrated that, left
unchecked, hatred can led to an apocalypse. While most schools have plans in place to deal
with fire, bad weather and medical emergencies, few are prepared for bias incidents.

Here is an excerpt from Responding to Hate at School, published by Teaching Tolerance:

Create an unwelcome environment for hate speech and symbols. Left unchecked, epithets, physical intimidation and hate graffiti create a toxic environment. Take a stand against hate
literature, music, Web sites and E­ mail. Designate one staff member to monitor hate Web

Speak up when bigotry comes from colleagues. We all harbor stereotypes, but, left unchallenged, teachers can easily transmit theirs to students and be insensitive to bias in

If a hate emergency occurs, focus on safety first. Take rumors of violence and bias incidents seriously. Set up a police liaison ahead of time. Set up a tip line or E­ mail box for
hate events and rumors.

Support victims of harassment. Surround them with an atmosphere of protection and, if they wish, help from fellow students. Identify teachers or counselors as " safe contacts" for every
type of bias event. Declare schools "hate­ free zones."


As small communities in themselves, college campuses should adopt the
recommendations in this guide for their use. Racial tensions should be aired, victims supported
and hate crimes denounced by administrators. By practicing and teaching diversity, colleges
influence attitudes and behavior in the leaders of the future. One possible approach is the
program adopted by Knox College in Galesburg, Illinois. The President's Council of Intercultural
Concerns created a "Not on Our Campus" project which surveyed campus racial attitudes,
encouraged reporting of bigotry, and organized both a bigotry response team and a long­ range
program of diversity, awareness and sensitivity workshops.


Ask your schools whether curriculums and textbooks are equitable and multicultural.
Encourage teachers and administrators to adopt diversity training and tolerance curricula, Teaching Tolerance magazine and other diversity education materials.

Encourage your children to become tolerance activists. They can form harmony clubs, build multicultural peace gardens, sponsor "walk in my shoes" activities and join study circles to
interact with children of other cultures.

Watch where your children are surfing on the Internet. Discuss the problem of hate sites openly, as you would the dangers of sex and drugs.

10. DIG DEEPER: Look into issues that divide us: economic inequality, immigration, homosexuality. Work against discrimination in housing, employment, education.
Look inside yourself for prejudices and stereotypes.

Sooner or later, any tolerance effort bumps up against issues that will take more than a
neighborhood to solve. Peeling away the face of hate reveals a country with deep, systemic
and unresolved prejudice, discrimination and intergroup tension. These issues cry out for
answers and people to take them on. As former white supremacist Floyd Cochran put it: " It is
not enough to hold hands and sing Kumbaya." One of the leading civil rights clearinghouses,
the Leadership Conference Education Fund in Washington, warns that failure to tackle the root
causes of intolerance will leave the heroic efforts described in this guide looking "like small
points of light in a sea of overwhelming darkness."

In any city and state there are dozens of problems to address: hunger, affordable housing,
elderly isolation, domestic violence, school dropouts, etc. A caring group of people, having
coalesced to deal with hate, could remain together to tackle any number of community chores
and societal problems.


As the 20th Century comes to a close, New York City's million­ student school system
reports enrollment that is 38 percent black, 35 percent Hispanic, 19 percent white and 7. 9
percent Asian/ Pacific Islanders. In some California schools, 20 languages are needed in some
classrooms to help kids learn English. Even in Hall County, Nebraska ­ home of farms, a meat­ packing
plant and fewer than 50, 000 people ­ 30 different languages are being spoken in

If recent trends continue, whites will lose their voting majority in several states between
2025 and 2050. By 2050, according to the President's Initiative on Race, "Asians, Hispanics,
non­ Hispanic blacks and American Indians together will approach 50 percent of the population."
By the middle of the 21st Century, we will be, in effect, a country of minorities.

We are a country whose citizens are more united than divided ­ so concludes the
President's Initiative on Race. But the cold statistics of the census remind us that the American
dream is not equally shared. By virtually every indicator of success, people of color are at the
bottom. Thirty percent of African Americans and Hispanics live in poverty, compared to 12
percent for whites. For blacks, unemployment is twice as high, and pay is half as much. Infant
mortality for black babies is more than double that of whites. Despite gains by the civil rights
and women's movements, minorities consistently report discrimination in "most domains of life."

Hate [extremist] groups recruit white males, women and children who have failed to realize their American dream. Oklahoma City demonstrated that men thought to be patriotic can be sucked into conspiracy theories and murder. The fear, outrage and powerlessness felt by people being tossed about by world economics are real. The answer is not to label them as
"kooks" or isolate them and their fears. Potential recruits, whether laid­ off auto workers, young skinheads, "Trenchcoat Mafia" members or Midwestern farmers, need to hear progressive voices and be recruited into community­ wide and national efforts. They need to feel connected to society and to find outlets for their frustration with weapons other than guns and violence.

After holding blacks in slavery for 200 years, after officially discriminating and degrading
them for another century and having still failed to ensure that America lives up to its promise, no
one should be shocked that the black community has produced demagogues with large
followings. They portray white America as evil and reject integration as illusory and dangerous.
Whatever its source, hatred must be denounced as we encourage the disenfranchised to reject
separatism and join in the struggle to create a just and multiracial society.

Some people oppose protection of gays and lesbians in civil rights legislation and refuse
to join tolerance coalitions if gays are included. Like other victims of hate crimes, gays and
lesbians are the target of jokes, harassment and physical harm because of who they are.
Demonizing them, as a handful of vocal, conservative church leaders do, creates a field of bias
in which more harmful attacks are inevitable.

We believe that to focus on the sex act, as gay­ bashers do, diverts attention from where
it properly belongs ­ respect, and the sanctity of privacy and personal security that must
surround every human being. The debate over "special" protection must not influence the
fundamental requirement that every member of our society be guaranteed the right to "life,
liberty and the pursuit of happiness."

Hotly contested and flawed by reporting inaccuracies, hate crime laws serve an
important purpose. They alert us to tension and hatred between groups of people. A hate
crime against an individual is also an attack on a class of citizens, a "message crime" intended
to terrorize everyone in the class.

Hate crimes threaten a community's health. They can trigger civil unrest and raise
tensions between groups or between victims and authorities. Because of the great danger they
pose, hate crimes warrant aggravated penalties. Hate victims are not asking for special rights,
only for the freedom to live daily lives without fear.

More than 500,000 women are raped each year in America. Many others suffer
intimidation, injury and death at the hands of men. Under federal law, the brutalizing of women
is not considered a hate crime. A growing number of human rights organizations believe gender
should be included in bias crime laws. There is no question that stereotypes, slurs, jokes and
ongoing discrimination create an atmosphere in which women are made objects and targets.


Section III



Annotated Glossary of Terms Annotated Glossary of Terms Prepared by Daniel Levitas 76
76 Daniel Levitas is a writer, researcher and expert on the subject of white supremacist and neo­ Nazi hate
[extremist] groups. He is a contributing author to Anti­ Semitism in America Today (Birch Lane Press, 1995),
Groliers Multimedia Encyclopedia and other publications. He is currently working on a book to be published by St.
Martin's Press in 2000 on the history of the militia movement, the Posse Comitatus and the American paramilitary

Anti­ Semitism
Hatred, bigotry or prejudice directed against the Jewish people or the Jewish faith.

Aryan Nations
A white supremacist and neo­ Nazi organization founded in the mid­ 1970s by Richard Butler, an
Identity preacher and former California Klansman. The full name of the group is the Church of
Jesus Christ Christian, Aryan Nations. In 1979, Butler convened the first "Aryan Nations World
Congress" on his twenty­ acre encampment in Northern Idaho near Hayden Lake.

British Israelism
See Christian Identity below.

Christian Common Law
A group of bogus and racially based legal theories most often promoted by the rural radical right
and others associated with groups such as the Posse Comitatus and the Christian Identity
movement. According to Christian Common Law, white, Anglo­ Saxon Christians are governed
by laws different than those that apply to non­ whites and non­ Christians. For example, under
Christian Common Law, two groups of United States citizens exist:
a) Those, who were " illegally" granted citizenship by virtue of the 13th and 14th
Amendments to the Constitution, which abolished slavery and guaranteed equal protection
under the law;
b) Those white, Anglo­ Saxon citizens, whose racial and religious identity automatically
confers citizenship rights.

Christian Identity
A religious theology, which originated in England in the late 18th century. The founder of
Identity was Richard Brothers, a delusional religious fanatic who was eventually committed to an
insane asylum. Identity teaches that the " Anglo­ Saxon­ Celtic" people are the true descendants
of the lost tribes of Israel and that Jews are Satanic because they are the product of the sexual
union of Eve and the devil. Blacks and other racial and ethnic minorities are regarded as " pre­ Adamic"
mistakes by God before the creation of the perfect white race. People of color are
referred to as " mud people," because they are believed to be manufactured from the earth, as
opposed to whites, who are supposedly formed from divine materials. Christian Identity is also
sometimes called Kingdom Identity, British Israelism or Anglo­ Israelism. In addition to being
racist and anti­ Semitic, Identity followers are critical of mainline Protestant denominations as
well as fundamentalist and evangelical Christianity.

Christian Patriot Movement
See also, Constitutional Fundamentalism, Posse Comitatus and the Rural Radical Right. A
predominantly rural and right­ wing social movement that emerged in the late 1970s and early
1980s as a result of the synthesis of Christian Identity theology and the anti­ tax, anti­ government
beliefs of the posse comitatus. While all members of the posse comitatus would be
considered part of the Christian patriot movement, not all Christian patriots are members of the
posse comitatus.

Constitutional Fundamentalism
The belief that the United States Constitution is solely derived from a divinely inspired Bible.
Constitutional fundamentalists believe that most laws passed by Congress and state
legislatures are unconstitutional. Constitutional fundamentalists also share the racist and
racially based legal ideas of Christian Common Law such as the belief that the 13th and 14th
Amendments to the U. S. Constitution should be abolished.

Far Right
Includes those right­ wing groups that publicly espouse white supremacy and anti­ Semitism such
as the Ku Klux Klan, Aryan Nations, Skinheads, etc. The Far Right is distinguished from the
ultra­ conservative movement and other, more mainstream conservatives, by several factors:

Its revolutionary view of the status quo. This is best exemplified by the belief of many on the Far Right that the government of the United States should be overthrown by armed insurrection because it is secretly controlled by an international Jewish conspiracy.

Its belief in biological determinism as the underlying principle for all public policy. For example, while some conservatives might favor construction of more prisons and stiffer jail terms to address the problem of crime, those on the Far Right advocate executing all black and non­ white criminals because they are thought to be genetically defective. Indeed, far
rightists seek to remake society by eliminating ­ both literally and figuratively ­ all racial and ethnic minorities as well as lesbians and gay men.

The deliberate and total exclusion of racial or ethnic minorities ­ as well as Jews ­ from membership. Unlike conservative organizations that have Jews and blacks as members and leaders, the Ku Klux Klan and other far right groups do not. White supremacists and neo­ Nazis want to go beyond asserting Western, cultural, 'traditional' family values. They want
to exterminate their opponents. For example, with regard to anti­ Semitism, certain people may believe anti­ Semitic stereotypes, ascribe certain " radical" characteristics to Jews, or act negatively against people who are Jewish but their bigotry does not necessarily extend to either a desire or a plan to attempt a second Final Solution. This dividing line, between the
institutionalized racism, ethnocentrism and homophobia of some ultraconservatives, and the biologically determined annihalitionism of the Far Right, is a key factor that distinguished the Far Right from other sectors of ultraconservatives.

Historical Revisionism
More appropriately termed Holocaust Denial, the term refers to those pseudo scholars, right­ wing
activists, anti­ Semites, academics and others who claim that the Holocaust of World War
Two never occurred. Among other things, historical revisionists: deny that Hitler and the Nazis
had an explicit plan to exterminate European Jewry (the " final solution"); claim that most Jewish
deaths in concentration camps were due to typhus and other diseases; deny the existence of
gas chambers; and claim that those Jews who perished in the Holocaust were" routine"
casualties of war.

Literally, " fear of homosexuals/ homosexuality." The term also implies hatred, bigotry or
prejudice toward lesbians and gay men.

Klan, Klansman, and KKK
See Ku Klux Klan.
Ku Klux Klan
The term refers specifically to those organizations descended from the original KKK, which was
founded In December 1865 by a group of former Confederate soldiers in Pulaski, Tennessee.
The name is taken partially from the Greek word " kuklos," meaning circle. From 1865 until
1872, the Klan raised a guerrilla army throughout the South to intimidate newly freed slaves,
defeat African American suffrage and sabotage reconstruction. There is no single, Ku Klux
Klan, but, rather, membership is divided among various factions such as the Christian Knights of
the Ku Klux Klan, the, Knights of the Ku Klux Klan and so forth. Where it is known, the name of
the specific faction should always be used. Often misspelled as " Klu Klux Klan."

National Socialist
See Nazi.

Refers to the organization and ideology of the National Socialist German Workers Party, which
was founded and led by Adolph Hitler from 1923 ­ 1946. Generally speaking the term should be

Neo­ Nazi
Refers to those individuals and/ or groups whose ideology and beliefs directly resemble or
attempt to resemble the original Nazi Party or one of its factions. Always use lower case for neo
and capitalize Nazi. Do not use interchangeably with Nazi.

Paleo­ Conservative( s)
By their own definition, paleo­ conservatives are " cultural traditionalists who reject the egalitarian
movements that have wielded their way through America." Paleo­ conservatives are the same
as ultra­ conservatives and oppose " cultural modernists who endorse the forced integration and
redistributism of civil rights." Paleo (and ultra) conservatives are the ideological descendants of
those extreme conservatives and right­ wing isolationists that opposed the United States' entry
into the Second World War. These conservatives espouse " America First" nationalism through
such institutions as the Rockford Institute and the Ludwig Von Mises Society; their politics are
closely associated with those of political commentator and presidential aspirant Pat Buchanan.

Posse Comitatus
See also, Rural Radical Right, Constitutional Fundamentalism, Christian Common Law and
Christian Patriot Movement. A right­ wing anti­ tax, anti­ government, anti­ Semitic and racist
organization founded by Lieutenant Colonel William Potter Gale (U. S. Army, retired) in
California in 1971. Though Gale developed the original concept for the Posse, credit is often
incorrectly given to Henry L. Beach, of Portland, Oregon. Beach was a retired mechanic who
repaired and sold dry cleaning equipment who popularized the Posse in the mid­ late 1970s.
" Posse Comitatus" is Latin for " power of the county" and refers to the belief that the county
sheriff is the highest law enforcement officer in America. The Posse has been most popular in
rural and agricultural areas, particularly the Midwest, Great Plains and Pacific Northwest,
although Posse groups are active throughout the United States. Among other things, Posse
members believe that: America is not a democracy and the nation was originally established as a "White Christian Republic "
The Constitution is solely derived from a divinely inspired Bible and most laws passed by Congress and state legislatures are unconstitutional; The income tax and the federal reserve banking system are products of a so­ called " International Jewish Conspiracy;" Christian Common Law supersedes all other laws.

Also referred to as Kingdom Theology or Dominion Theology. Advocates of Reconstructionism
such as R. J. Rushdoony, call for the establishment of God's " Kingdom" on earth by directing
their followers to take over and " Christianize" every social and political institution. As such, they
advocate the application of Biblical punishments such as stoning for certain crimes such as

Rural Radical Right
Refers to those right­ wing groups such as the posse comitatus and others that grew to
prominence during the farm crisis of the 1980s when they attempted to recruit farmers and other
rural residents. Broadly defined, the Rural Radical Right includes the posse comitatus, the
Christian patriot movement, and other rural­ based constitutional fundamentalists and believers
in Christian common law.

Skinheads originated in Great Britain and trace their roots to various youth subcultures,
including the punk rock music scene. Although the earliest Skinheads were not racist, by the
early 1970s many were involved in neo­ fascist organizations like the British National Party.
Although both non­ racist and racist Skinheads still exist, the skinhead movement is known
primarily for its affinity for neo­ Nazism and violence. Skinheads first appeared in the United
States in the early 1980s and by 1986, the Atlanta­ based Center for Democratic Renewal
(formerly the National Anti­ Klan Network) counted 300 racist Skinheads in the United States.
By 1991, the number had increased tenfold to 3, 600 in more than thirty­ five cities.

White Separatist
See also, White Supremacist. A euphemism for white supremacy most often used by Klan
members and other white supremacists to disguise their bigotry.

White Supremacist
See also, Far Right, Neo­ Nazi and White Separatist. An adjective describing those individuals
or groups such as the Ku Klux Klan that believe in the inherent biological, genetic and/ or
intellectual superiority of whites. White Supremacists advocate explicitly race­ based measures
to impose white dominance over non­ whites and others considered to be racially inferior. All
White Supremacists are racist but not all racists are White Supremacists. Often misspelled
" white supremist."

Lexicon of Hate 77

77 Excerpts are taken from " The State of Hate 1998­ 1999: The Far­ Right in the Midwest," a special report prepared
by the Center For New Community, pp. 30­ 31.

88Neo­ Nazi shorthand for the eighth letter of the alphabet, twice ­ HH. Short for Heil Hitler.

14 Words
Phrase from Order member David Lane, " We must secure the existence of our people and a
future for white children."

A term derived from mythology and used within the white supremacist movement to refer to
people and cultures of northern Europe.

Biological Determinism
The idea that " race" is a biological category subject to scientific measurement and evaluation
and that biological factors determine social, economic, and cultural circumstances.

Christian Patriot
A term of self­ reference for the largest portion of the contemporary white supremacist
movement in the United States. The term is used interchangeably with Patriot, Constitutionalist,
Freeman, and Sovereign Citizen. Christian Patriots believe in a variety of often anti­ Semitic
conspiracy theories; a literal, albeit selective interpretation of the Bible and the Constitution; and
racist notions of citizenship.

Christian Israel
See Christian Identity.

See Christian Patriot.

Covenant Identity
See Christian Identity.

The " science" or set of beliefs having to do with the " end times," in Christian theology.

See Christian Patriot.



Federal Bureau of Investigation
Uniform Crime Reporting Section

409 7th Street NW, Suite 4
Washington, DC 20004
(202) 324­ 5015

Federal Bureau of Investigation
Uniform Crime Reporting Program
Law Enforcement Support Section
Criminal Justice Information Services Division
F. B. I./ GRB Washington, DC 20535
(202) 324­ 2614

Freedom of Information (FOIA)
Civil Rights Division
US Department of Justice
FOI­ PA Branch, Room 7339
Washington, DC 20530
(202) 514­ 4209

37 B New Cavendish
London WIMUR England This monthly, English­ language magazine provides the most
authoritative information on neo­ Nazi activities throughout

American­ Arab Anti­ Discrimination
Committee (ADC)
4201 Connecticut Avenue, N. W., Suite 300
Washington, D. C. 20008
(202) 244­ 2990
(202) 244­ 3196 faxA nonsectarian service organization committed to defending the rights and promoting the heritage of Arab­ Americans.

American Citizens for Justice, Inc.
15777 W. Ten Mile Road, Suite 108
Southfield, MI 48075
(313) 557­ 2772

Seeks to eradicate racism, harassment, and discrimination against Asian Pacific Americans and other minority and
ethnic groups.

American Jewish Committee (AJC)
1156 15th Street, NW
Washington, D. C. 20005
(202) 265­ 2000
(202) 785­ 4115 fax

Created to protect the rights of Jews the world over and to combat bigotry and anti­ Semitism. The AJC has published " Skinheads: Who They Are & What to Do When They Come
to Town" and " Bigotry on Campus: A Planned Response."

American Muslim Council
1212 New York Avenue, NW, Suite 400
Washington, DC 20005
(202) 789­ 2262
(202) 789­ 2550 fax

Non­ profit socio­ political organization dedicated to political empowerment of American Muslims. Established Anti­ Hate Crimes Coordinating Center to prevent and respond to anti­ Islamic
hate crimes.

American Psychological Association
750 First Street, NE
Washington, D. C. 20002­ 4242
(202) 336­ 6062
(202) 336­ 6063 fax

APA offers assistance and services to individuals suffering the adverse mental health consequences of prejudice and
hate motivated violence. APA conducts law enforcement training focusing on understanding the causes and effects of
hate­ related criminal behavior.

Anti­ Defamation League (ADL)
823 United Nations Plaza
New York, NY 10017
(212) 490­ 2525
(212) 867­ 0779 fax A human relations organization with 31 regional offices
across the country. Over the past decade, ADL has become a leading resource in crafting responses to hate violence.

Asian American Legal Defense & Education
99 Hudson Street, 12 th Floor
New York, NY 10013
(212) 966­ 5932

The fund provides community education, legal counseling, and advocacy on behalf of victims of anti­ Asian violence.

Center for Democratic Renewal and
Education, Inc. (CDR)
P. O. Box 50469
Atlanta, GA 30302
(404) 221­ 0025

A national clearinghouse of information on the white supremacist movement. CDR provides training to law
enforcement agencies, schools, churches, and community organizations.

Center for New Community
6429 West North Avenue, Suite 101
Oak Park, Illinois 60302
(708) 848­ 0319
(708) 848­ 0329 fax

Non­ profit faith­ based organization. Through its Building Democracy Initiative the Center works with communities
throughout the Midwest to educate, research, monitor, and counter extremist group activities.

Center on Hate and Extremism
Mr. Brian Levin
(609) 652­ 4719
(609) 652­ 4950
(609) 404­ 1359 after hours

The center tracks, studies and analyzes terrorism, extremist groups and bias crimes in the United States.

Japanese American Citizens League (JACL)
1765 Sutter Street
San Francisco, CA 94115
(415) 921­ 5225
(415) 931­ 4671 fax

A national nonprofit, educational, human and civil rights organization representing Americans of Japanese ancestry.
JACL offers a handbook on responding to anti­ Asian violence, and participates in seminars on hate crimes.

Justice Research and Statistics Association
(formerly the Criminal Justice Statistics
444 N. Capitol Street, N. W., Suite 445
Washington, D. C. 20001
(202) 624­ 8560
(202) 624­ 5269 fax

As a national nonprofit organization, JRSA provides a
clearinghouse of information on criminal justice issues and projects being carried out in the states, including hate

Southern Poverty Law Center
400 Washington Avenue
Montgomery, AL 36104
(334) 264­ 0286
(334) 264­ 0629 fax

A project of the Southern Poverty Law Center monitors hate crimes and hate groups throughout the nation. Klanwatch publishes " The Intelligence Report," a bimonthly review of hate crimes and activities of white supremacist groups.

Leadership Conference on Civil Rights

Consists of more than 185 national organizations, representing persons of color, women, labor unions,
individuals with disabilities, older Americans, major religious groups, gays and lesbians and civil liberties and human
rights groups.

Leadership Conference Education Fund

LCEF serves as an information clearinghouse on civil rights
issues, sponsors conferences and symposia, and through its civil rights education campaign seeks to build a national
consensus to combat bigotry.
1629 K Street, N. W., Suite 1010
Washington, D. C. 20006
(202) 466­ 3434 or 3311

Mexican American Legal Defense and
Educational Fund (MALDEF)
733 15th Street, N. W., Suite 920
Washington, D. C. 20005
(202) 628­ 4074
(202) 393­ 4206 fax A national civil rights organization founded in 1968 to
promote and protect civil rights, and specifically, to conduct litigation and advocacy work on behalf of Hispanic

National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP)
4805 Mount Hope Drive
Baltimore, MD 21215
(410) 358­ 8900
(410) 764­ 7357 fax Formed in 1909 in New York City. The Association has
grown to over 2,200 chapters nationwide, including branches in Germany and Japan, and has over 500, 000 members. The principal objective is to ensure the political, educational,
social, and economic equality of minority group citizens among the citizens of the US.

National Church Arson Task Force
P. O. Box 65798,
Washington, DC 20530

Formed by President Clinton in June 1996. Includes US Department of Treasury, US Department of Justice, Bureau
of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms, and Federal Bureau of Investigation.

National Conference of Christians and Jews
71 Fifth Avenue
New York, NY 10003
(212) 807­ 8440
(212) 727­ 0166 fax

Founded in 1927 to combat racism and religious bigotry, to improve communications between different American
communities, and to " build bridges of mutual respect."

National Conference for Community & Justice
475 Park Ave. S., 19th Floor
New York, NY 10016
(212) 545­ 1300

National Council of Churches
475 Riverside Drive, Room 670
New York, NY 10115
(212) 870­ 3004 Organized nationally to rebuild burnt churches in 1996. 86.

National Gay and Lesbian Task Force
2320 17 th Street, N. W.
Washington, DC 20009­ 2702
(202) 332­ 6483
(202) 332­ 0207 fax

A civil rights organization dedicated to building a movement
to promote freedom and full equality for all lesbians and gay

National Immigration, Refugee, and
Citizenship Forum
220 1 Street, N. E., Suite 220
Washington, DC 20002
(202) 544­ 0004
(202) 544­ 1905 fax A membership organization, which focuses on immigration
policy and coordinates appeals to the Immigration & Naturalization Service (INS).

National Institute Against Prejudice and Violence
712 West Lombard Street
Baltimore, Maryland 21201
(410) 706­ 5170
(410) 328­ 5170

National Organization of Black Law Enforcement Executives
908 Pennsylvania Avenue, S. E.
Washington, DC 20003
(202) 546­ 8811
(202) 544­ 8351 fax

Provides training for law enforcement executives to improve their response to bias violence, conducts research on law enforcement practices and policies, and works with other victim assistance organizations.

National Urban League
1111 14th Street, N. W., Suite 600
Washington, DC 20005
(202) 989­ 1604

A nonprofit, nonpartisan community­ based agency headquartered in New York City with 113 affiliates in 34
states and the District of Columbia.

Organization of Chinese Americans (OCA)
1001 Connecticut Avenue, N. W., Suite 707
Washington, D. C. 20036
(202) 223­ 5500
(202) 296­ 0540 fax A national nonprofit, nonpartisan civic organization advocating for the welfare of Chinese Americans. It monitors court cases and is involved with specific cases by
acting as legal counsel and providing financial resources.

Parents and Friends of Lesbians and Gays
1101 14th St. NW, Suite 1030
Washington, DC 20005

(202) 638­ 4200
People For the American Way (People For)
2000 M Street, N. W., Suite 400
Washington, D. C. 20036
(202) 467­ 4999
(800) 326­ 7329
(202) 293­ 2672 fax

A nonprofit, nonpartisan organization dedicated to the defense of constitutional liberties. Through its work on hate
crimes, censorship and civil rights People For works to combat intolerance in America.

Police Executive Research Forum (PERF)
2300 M Street, N. W., Suite 910
Washington, DC 20037
(202) 466­ 7820
(202) 466­ 7826 fax

PERF has been a leading law enforcement advocate of hate crime data collection since 1987, when it became one of the first national police associations to endorse the Hate Crime
Statistics Act.

Political Research Associates
678 Massachusetts Avenue, Suite 702
Cambridge, MA 02139
(617) 661­ 9313

Think­ tank monitoring the full spectrum of hate organizations.

Simon Wiesenthal Center
9760 West Pico Blvd.
Los Angeles, CA 90035
(310) 553­ 9036 An international Jewish human rights organization dedicated to preserving the memory of the Holocaust, and to fostering tolerance and understanding through community involvement, educational outreach and social action.

U. S. Department of Education
Office for Civil Rights, Chicago Office
111 N. Canal Street, Suite 1053
Chicago, IL 60606­ 7204
(312) 886­ 8434
(312) 353­ 4888 fax
(312) 353­ 2540 TDD Serving Illinois, Indiana, Minnesota, and Wisconsin. The Office for Civil Rights enforces five Federal statutes that prohibit discrimination in education programs and activities
that receive Federal financial assistance.


National Victim Center
2111 Wilson Blvd, Suite 300
Arlington, VA 22201
(703) 276­ 2880 87.

National Victims Resource Center
1600 Research Blvd, Dept. F
Rockville, MD 20850
(800) 627­ 6872

National Coalition Against Domestic
P. O. Box 18749
Denver, CO 80218
(303) 839­ 1852
(303) 831­ 9251 fax
National Domestic Violence Hotline:
1­ 800­ 799­ 7233

National Association Against Sexual Assault
c/ o Rape Crisis Center of W. Contra Costa
2000 Vale Road
San Pablo, CA
(415) 236­ 7273

Southern Poverty Law Center
400 Washington Avenue
Montgomery, AL 36104
(334) 264­ 0286
(334) 264­ 0629 fax

U. S. Department of Justice
Office for Victims of Crime (OVC)
633 Indiana Avenue
Washington, DC 20531
(202) 307 5983

U. S. Department of Justice
Community Relations Service
Region V­ Midwest
55 West Monroe Street, Suite 420
Chicago, IL 6060,
(312) 353­ 4391
(312) 353­ 4390 fax
Servicing: IL, IN, MI, MN, OH, Wl


Center for Constitutional Rights
666 Broadway
New York, NY 10012
(212) 614­ 6464

Coloradans United Against Hatred
c/ o American Jewish Committee
P. O. Box 11191
Denver, CO 80301
(303) 320­ 1742
www. cuah. org

Community Cousins
140 Encinitas Blvd., Suite 200
Encinitas, CA 92024
(760) 944­ 2899

Facing History and Ourselves
16 Hurd Road
Brookline, MA 02445
(617) 232­ 1595
www. facing. org

Green Circle Program
c/ o Nationalities Service Center
1300 Spruce St.
Philadelphia, PA 19107
(215) 893­ 8400

Lambda Legal Defense & Education Fund,
666 Broadway
New York, NY 10012
(212) 995­ 8585

Not In Our Town
The Working Group
P. O. Box 10326
Oakland, CA 94610
(510) 268­ 9675
www. igc. org/ an/ niot

People Against Racist Terror (P. A. R. T.)
P. O. Box 1990
Burbank, CA 91507
(213) 461­ 3127

Romani­ Jewish Alliance
Box 325
Cashmere, WA 98815
(509) 782­ 4710

Southern Catalyst Network
MR Box 1692, 31 McAlister Dr.
New Orleans, LA 70118­ 5555
(504) 865­ 6100
www. tulane. edu/~ so­ inst/ catalyst

Study Circles Resource Center
P. O. Box 203
Pomfret, CT 06258
(860) 928­ 2616

The Women's Project
2224 Main Street
Little Rock, AR 72206
(501) 372­ 5113 88.

U. S. Department of Education
Office of Elementary and Secondary
Safe and Drug Free Schools Program
400 Maryland Ave., S. W.
Washington, D. C. 20202­ 6123
(202) 260­ 3954

U. S. Department of Justice
Civil Rights Division
Room 5643
P. O. Box 65808
Washington, D. C. 20035­ 5808
(202) 514­ 2151


California Association of Human Relations
1426 Fillmore St., Suite 216
San Francisco, CA 94115
(415) 775­ 2341
www. cahro. org

Coalition for Human Dignity
P. O. Box 21266
Seattle, WA 98111
(306) 756­ 0914
www. halcyon. com/ chd

Communities Against Hate
Youths for Justice
P. O. Box 10837
Eugene, OR 97440
(541) 485­ 1755

Montana Human Rights Network
P. O. Box 1222
Helena, MT 59624
(406) 442­ 5506
www. mhrn. org

Northwest Coalition Against Malicious
P. O. Box 21428
Seattle, WA 98111
(206) 233­ 9136

Pennsylvania Network of Unity Coalitions
P. O. Box 8168
Pittsburgh, PA 15217
(412) 521­ 1548


823 United Nations Plaza
New York, NY 10017
(212) 490­ 2525
www. adl. org

The National Coalition Building Institute
1835 K St. NW, Suite 715
Washington, DC 20006
(202) 785­ 9400
www. ncbi. org


One America in the 21st Century: Forging a New Future
Pathways to One America in the 21st Century: Promising Practices for Racial
Both available from:
The President's Initiative on Race
Government Printing Office
Superintendent of Documents, SSOP
Washington, DC 20402­ 9328

Building One Nation: A Study of What Is Being Done Today in Schools,
Neighborhoods and the Workplace
Leadership Conference Education Fund
1629 K Street NW, Washington, DC 20012

Hate Crime Statistics
Hate Crime Data Collection Guidelines
Federal Bureau of Investigation
1000 Custer Hollow Road, Clarksburg, WV 26306
www. fbi. gov/ ucr/ hatecm. htm

A Policymaker's Guide to Hate Crimes
Bureau of Justice Assistance
US Department of Justice
810 Seventh St. NW, Washington, DC 20531
www. ncjrs. org

1999 Hate Crimes Laws
Explosion of Hate: The Growing Danger of the National Alliance
Both Available From:
The Anti­ Defamation League
823 United Nations Plaza, New York, New York 10017
(212) 490­ 2525

Second Year Report for the President
National Church Arson Task Force
U. S. Department of Justice
P. O. Box 65798, Washington, D. C. 20530

1996­ 1997 Report on Hate Crimes and Discrimination Against Arab Americans
American­ Arab Anti­ Discrimination Committee
4201 Connecticut Avenue, N. W., Suite 300, Washington, D. C. 20008
(202) 244­ 2990

Protecting Students from Harassment and Hate Crime
U. S. Department of Education Office for Civil Rights
111 N. Canal Street, Suite 1053, Chicago, Illinois 60606 90.

(312) 886­ 8434
Responding to Hate at School: A Guide for Teachers, Counselors and
Administrators Ten Ways to Fight Hate
Both Available From:
Southern Poverty Law Center
400 Washington Ave., Montgomery, Alabama 36104
(334) 264­ 0286

The State of Hate 1998­ 1999: The Far­ Right in the Midwest
Center for New Community
6429 W. North Avenue, Suite 101, Oak Park, Illinois 60302
(708) 848­ 0319

When Hate Groups Come to Town
Center for Democratic Renewal and Education, Inc.
P. O. Box 50469, Atlanta, Georgia 30302
(404) 221­ 0025 91.

Indiana Government Center North, Room N103
(317) 232­ 2600 (800) 628­ 2909 Fax: (317) 232­ 6580
http:// www. state. in. us/ icrc/ hate/ index. html

Barbara Dobbins TASK FORCE CO­ CHAIR (317) 232­ 2644


Dennis Jones (317) 233­ 4812
Judy Kochanczyk (317) 233­ 6306
Dave Pardo (317) 232­ 6722
Henrietta Poindexter (317) 233­ 4813
Greg Snider (317) 232­ 6625

Indiana Civil Rights Commission
100 N. Senate Avenue, Room N103
Indianapolis, IN 46204
(317) 232­ 2600 Indianapolis, IN 46204
(800) 628­ 2909
(317) 232­ 6580 Fax
E­ Mail/ Web Page:
www. in.gov/icrc

Indiana State Police
100 N. Senate Ave
Indianapolis, IN 46204­ 2259
(317) 232­ 8250
1­ 800­ 622­ 4962
Individual State Police Districts: http://www.in.gov/isp/districts/

Requesting Assistance by Counties in Indiana

Prosecutor (219) 724­ 7141
227 S. Second Street
P. O. Box 554
Decatur, IN 46733­ 0569

Sheriff (219) 728­ 9666
P. O. Box 545
Decatur, IN 46733­ 0545

Federal Bureau of Investigation Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco & Firearms
Federal Building Harrison Place, Suite 429
1300 S. Harrison Street, Room 3118 Ft. Wayne, IN 46802
Fort Wayne, IN 46802 (219) 424­ 4440
(219) 426­ 5331

Prosecutor (219) 449­ 7641
3 rd Floor Keystone Building
602 S. Calhoun Street
Fort Wayne, IN 46802­ 1715

Sheriff (219) 449­ 7535
102 Courthouse
715 S. Calhoun Street
Fort Wayne, IN 46802

PFLAG (Parents, Friend, and Families of
Lesbians and Gays support Group)
Fort Wayne, IN
(219) 486­ 2201

Prosecutor (812) 379­ 1670
234 Washington Street
Columbus, IN 47201­ 1670

Sheriff (812) 379­ 1650
P. O. Box 447
Columbus, IN 47202­ 0447

Prosecutor (317) 844­ 0400
234 Washington Street
P. O. Box 101
Fowle, IN 47944

Sheriff (317) 884­ 1511
P. O. Box 148
Fowler, IN 47944­ 0148

Prosecutor (317) 348­ 0930
111 N. High Street
P. O. Box 28
Hartford City, IN 47348

Sheriff (317) 348­ 7231
120 East Main Street
Hartford City, IN 47348

Prosecutor (317) 482­ 6860
Courthouse, Room 103
Lebanon, IN 46052

Sheriff (317) 482­ 1110
1905 Indianapolis Avenue
Lebanon, IN 46052

Prosecutor (812) 988­ 5470
Locust Lane
P. O. Box 1008
Nashville, IN 47448

Sheriff (812) 988­ 6655
P. O. Box 95
Nashville, IN 47448

Prosecutor (317) 564­ 2413
Courthouse ­ 2nd Floor
101 W. Main Street
Delphi, IN 46923­ 1522

Sheriff (317) 564­ 4514
310 W. Main Street
Delphi, IN 46923

Prosecutor (219) 753­ 7790
200 Court Park Government Building
Logansport, IN 46947

Sheriff (219) 753­ 7800
200 Court Park
Logansport, IN 46947

Prosecutor (812) 285­ 6264
215 City­ County Building
501 E. Court Avenue
Jeffersonville, IN 47130

Sheriff (812) 283­ 4471
City­ County Building
501 E. Court Avenue
Jeffersonville, IN 47130

Prosecutor (812) 448­ 9028
Clay County Courthouse
609 E. National Avenue
Brazil, IN 47834

Sheriff (812) 448­ 9048
120 S. Alabama Street
Brazil, IN 47834

Prosecutor (317) 659­ 6350
310 Courthouse Square
Frankfort, IN 46041

Sheriff (317) 659­ 6390
301 E. Walnut Street
Frankfort, IN 46041

Prosecutor (812) 338­ 3522
Courthouse Annex
P. O. Box 40
English, IN 47118

Sheriff (812) 338­ 2802
Court Street
English, IN 47118

Prosecutor (812) 254­ 8673
Courthouse 200 E. Walnut Street

Washington, IN 47501­ 0647

Sheriff (812) 254­ 1060
301 E. Walnut Street
P. O. Box 647 Washington, IN 47501

Prosecutor(812) 537­ 8884
Courthouse 1st Floor
215 W. High Street
Lawrenceburg, IN 47025

Sheriff (812) 537­ 3431 (Dearborn)
Law Enforcement Center
219 W. High Street
Lawrenceburg, IN 47025

Prosecutor (812) 663­ 8505
150 Courthouse Square, Suite 8
Greensburg, IN 47240­ 2030

Sheriff (812) 663­ 8125
119 E. Railroad Street
Greensburg, IN 47240

Prosecutor(219) 925­ 1646
Court House ­ 3rd Floor
Auburn, IN 46706

Sheriff (219) 925­ 3365
215 E. 8th Street
Auburn, IN 46706

Federal Bureau of Investigation
Federal Building
225 N. High Street # 204
Muncie, IN 47305
(765) 282­ 1905

Prosecutor (317) 747­ 7801
100 W. Main Street, Room 312
Muncie, IN 47305

Sheriff(317) 747­ 7878
1107 Justice Center
100 W. Washington Street
Muncie, IN 47305

Lesbian, Bisexual, Gay Student Association
Ball State University
(765) 285­ 2472

Prosecutor (812) 482­ 5725
510 1/ 2 Main
P. O. Box 325
Jasper, IN 47547­ 0325

Sheriff (812) 482­ 3522
P. O. Box 1032
Jasper, IN 47546­ 1032

204 S. Main St
P. O. Box 848
Elkhart, IN 46515­ 0848

Sheriff (219) 533­ 8644
111 N. 3rd Street
Goshen, IN 46526

Prosecutor (317) 825­ 3251
111 W. 4th Street, Suite 120
Connersville, IN 47331

Sheriff (317) 825­ 1110
119 W. 4th Street
Connersville, IN 47331

Federal Bureau of Investigation
121 W. Spring Street
New Albany, IN 47150
(812) 948­ 8002

Prosecutor (812) 948­ 5422
Room 249, City­ County Building
New Albany, IN 47150

Sheriff Leland Watson
1st Floor, City­ County Building
311 W. 1st Street
New Albany, IN 47150
(812) 948­ 5400

Prosecutor (317) 793­ 2411
Courthouse, 301 4th Street
Covington, IN 47932

Sheriff (317) 793­ 3545
216 Union Street
Covington, IN 47932

Prosecutor (317) 647­ 3589
459 Main Street
Brookville, IN 47012

Sheriff (317) 647­ 4138
371 Main Street
Brookville, IN 47012

Prosecutor (219) 223­ 6147
130 E. 8th Street
P. O. Box 237
Rochester, IN 46975

Sheriff (219) 223­ 2819
815 Madison Street
Rochester, IN 46975

Prosecutor (812) 385­ 5497
Prince Building ­ 2nd Floor
P. O. Box 163
Princeton, IN 47670

Sheriff (812) 385­ 3496
112 E. Emerson Street
Princeton, IN 47670

Prosecutor (317) 664­ 0739
Courthouse, Room 107
101 E. 4th Street
Marion, IN 46952­ 4056

Sheriff (317) 668­ 8168
County Complex
401 S. Adams Street
Marion, IN 46953

Prosecutor (812) 384­ 4998
Courthouse, P. O. Box 428
Bloomfield, IN 47424

Sheriff (812) 384­ 4411
P. O. Box 267
Bloomfield, IN 47424

Prosecutor (317) 776­ 8595
One Hamilton Co Sq., Suite 134
Noblesville, IN 46060­ 2230

Sheriff (317) 773­ 1872
18100 Cumberland Road
Noblesville, IN 46060

Prosecutor (317) 462­ 1139
27 American Legion Place
Greenfield, IN 46140

Sheriff (317) 462­ 1147
123 E. Main Street
Greenfield, IN 46140

Prosecutor(812) 738­ 4241
213 North Capitol Avenue
Corydon, IN 47112

Sheriff (812) 738­ 2195
233 N. Capitol Avenue
Corydon, IN 47112

Prosecutor (317) 745­ 9283
Courthouse ­ 1st Floor
P. O. Box 59
Danville, IN 46122

Sheriff (317) 745­ 6269
P. O. Box 87
Danville, IN 46122­ 0087

Prosecutor Crane
Henry Court Courthouse
101 S. Main Street
New Castle, IN 47362­ 4273

Sheriff (317) 529­ 4901
127 N. 12th Street
New Castle, IN 47362

Room 12, Courthouse
117 N. Main Street
Kokomo, IN 46750

Sheriff (317) 456­ 2020
623 S. Berkley
Kokomo, IN 46901

Prosecutor (219) 358­ 4846
Room 305, Courthouse
Huntington, IN 46750

Sheriff (219) 356­ 8316
332 State Street
Huntington, IN 46750

Prosecutor (812) 358­ 6130
Jackson County Courthouse
Brownstown, IN 47220

Sheriff (812) 358­ 2141
220 E. Walnut Street
Brownstown, IN 47220

PFLAG (Parents, Friends, and Families of
Lesbians and Gays support group)
Seymour, IN
(812) 522­ 9515

Prosecutor (219) 866­ 5321
128 North Cullen Street
Rensselaer, IN 47978

Sheriff (219) 866­ 7344
P. O. Box 296
Rensselaer, IN 47978

Prosecutor (219) 726­ 8580
116­ A West Walnut Street
Portland, IN 47371

Sheriff (219) 726­ 8188
224 W. Water Street
Portland, IN 47371

Prosecutor (812) 265­ 8932
3151/ 2 E. Second Street
Madison, IN 47250

Sheriff (219) 265­ 2648 ( Jefferson)
317 S. Walnut Street
Madison, IN 47250

Sheriff John Johnson (Switzerland)
305 Liberty Street
Vevay, IN 47043
(812) 427­ 3636

Prosecutor (812) 346­ 5736 99
Courthouse Annex
P. O. Box 392
Vernon, IN 47282­ 0392

Sheriff (812) 346­ 5111
P. O. Box 367
Vernon, IN 4728­ 0367

Prosecutor (317) 736­ 3750
Courthouse Annex
86 West Court Street
Franklin, IN 46131

Sheriff (317) 736­ 9155
1091 Hospital Road
Franklin, IN 46131

Prosecutor (812) 885­ 2531
Courthouse Annex
102 N. 7th Street
Vincennes, IN 47591

Sheriff(812) 882­ 7660
135 N. 8th Street
Vincennes, IN 47591

Prosecutor(219) 372­ 2419
Second Floor
121 North Lake Street
Warsaw, IN 46580

Sheriff (219) 267­ 5667
221 W. Main Street
Warsaw, IN 46580

Prosecutor (219) 463­ 7156
County Office Building
114 West Michigan Street
LaGrange, IN 46761

Sheriff (219) 463­ 7491
101 N. High Street
LaGrange, IN 46761

Federal Bureau of Investigation (219) 769­ 3719
P. O. Box 18704
Merrillville, IN 46411

Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms (219) 791­ 0702
8400 Louisiana Street, Suite 300
Merrillville, IN 46410

Prosecutor (219) 755­ 3720
2293 N. Main Street
Crown Point, IN 46307

Sheriff (219) 755­ 3400
Government Center
2293 N. Main Street
Crown Point, IN 46307

PFLAG (Parents, Friend, and Families of
Lesbians and Gays support Group)
Hammond, IN
(219) 931­ 4182 100.

Prosecutor (812) 275­ 4439
5 th Floor, Courthouse Annex
1420 I Street
Bedford, IN 47421

Sheriff (812) 275­ 3316
1410 I Street
Bedford, IN 47421

Prosecutor (317) 641­ 9585
Government Center Box 5
16 E. 9 th Street
Anderson, IN 46016

Sheriff (317) 641­ 9619
720 Central Avenue
Anderson, IN 46016

Federal Bureau of Investigation (317) 639­ 3301
575 N. Pennsylvania St., Suite 679
Indianapolis, IN 46204

Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco & Firearms (317) 226­ 7464
Market Square Ctr., Suite 1035
151 North Delaware Street
Indianapolis, IN 46204

Prosecutor (317) 327­ 3522
Room 560, City­ County Building
200 E. Washington Street
Indianapolis, IN 46204­ 3363

Sheriff (317) 231­ 8201
40 S. Alabama Street
Indianapolis, IN 46204

Indiana Coalition Against Sexual Assault (317) 568­ 4001

Rainbow Democrats (317) 725­ 1600

Marion Co. Victim Assistance Program (317) 633­ 5181

Log Cabin Republicans (317) 767­ 9391

ICLU Project for Equal Rights (317) 780­ 0001

Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual Fairness Indiana (317) 780­ 0001

Rainbow Alliance (317) 767­ 4425

Justice, Inc. (317) 634­ 9212

Butler University Gay Lesbian Alliance (317) 283­ 9267

IUPUI Advocate (317) 274­ 8206

Affinity, Christian Theological Seminary (317) 767­ 1353

National Organization for Women Indianapolis Chapter (317) 925­ 4641

PFLAG (Parents, Friends, and Families of Lesbians and Gays support group)
(317) 545­ 7034 or 897­ 0126 or 924­ 4062

Children of Gay & Lesbians (317) 271­ 7501

Indianapolis Youth Group
(317) 541­ 8726

Prosecutor (219) 935­ 8666
112 W. Jefferson
P. O. Box 444
Plymouth, IN 46563

Sheriff (219) 936­ 3187
210 W. Madison Street
Plymouth, IN 46563

Prosecutor (812) 295­ 4096
103 North Street
P. O. Box 246
Loogootee, IN 47553­ 0246

Sheriff (812) 247­ 3726
Courthouse Drive
Shoals, IN 47581

Prosecutor(317) 472­ 3901
Courthouse, Room 107
Peru, IN 46970

Sheriff (317) 473­ 5474
25 N. Broadway
Peru, IN 46970

Federal Bureau of Investigation (812) 332­ 9275
400 W. 7th Street # 232
Bloomington, IN 47404

Prosecutor (812) 349­ 2670
301 N. College Avenue, Room 211
Bloomington, IN 47404­ 3865

Sheriff (812) 349­ 2755
Justice Building
301 N. College Avenue, Room 211
Bloomington, IN 47404

Bloomington, Gay, Lesbian, Trans­ Gendered Coalition (812) 336­ 2533

QUEST, Queers United For Equal Social Treatment 812­ 857­ 3473

Gay/ Lesbian, Bisexual Support Serv., IU (812) 855­ 4252

PFLAG (Parents, Friends, and Families of Lesbians and Gays support group)
Bloomington, IN
(812) 339­ 7657 or 522­ 9515 102.

Indiana Lesbian & Gay Youth Group (800) 347­ 8336

Prosecutor (317) 364­ 6470
Room 205, Courthouse
100 E. Main Street
Crawfordsville, IN 47933

Sheriff (317) 362­ 3740
412 Covington Street
Crawfordsville, IN 47933

Prosecutor (317) 342­ 1050
Morgan Co. Courthouse
Martinsville, IN 46151­ 1645

Sheriff (317) 342­ 5544
160 N. Park Avenue
Martinsville, IN 46151

Prosecutor (219) 474­ 5777
301 E. Graham Street
P. O. Box 338
Kentland, IN 47951­ 0338

Sheriff (219) 474­ 5661
304 E. Seymour
Kentland, IN 47951

1001/ 2 West Main Street
P. O. Box 47
Albion, IN 46701­ 0047

Sheriff (219) 636­ 2182
P. O. Box 22
Albion, IN 46701­ 0022

Prosecutor (812) 723­ 7103
205 E. Main Street # 15
Paoli, IN 47454

Sheriff (812) 723­ 2417
Courthouse, Court Street
Paoli, IN 47454

Prosecutor (812) 829­ 5005
Courthouse, 3rd Floor
P. O. Box 150
Spencer, IN 47460­ 0150

Sheriff (812) 829­ 4874
291 Vandalia Avenue
Spencer, IN 47460

Prosecutor (317) 569­ 3111
113 West High Street
P. O. Box 144
Rockville, IN 47872

Sheriff (317) 569­ 5122
120 S. Jefferson Street
Rockville, IN 47872

Prosecutor David L. Henry Sheriff Jon Deer
615­ D Main Street 119 S. 7th Street
P. O. Box 37 Cannelton, IN 47250
Tell City, IN 47586­ 0037 (812) 547­ 2441
(812) 547­ 2750

Prosecutor (812) 354­ 8761
Courthouse ­ 3rd Floor
801 Main Street
Petersburg, IN 47567­ 1298

Sheriff (812) 354­ 6024
100 S. 4th Street
Petersburg, IN 47567

Prosecutor (219) 465­ 3415
16 Lincolnway, Suite 546
Valparaiso, IN 46383

Sheriff (219) 465­ 3515
157 S. Franklin Street
Valparaiso, IN 46383

Prosecutor (812) 838­ 1337
330 Walnut Street
P. O. Box 721
Mt. Vernon, IN 47620

Sheriff (812) 838­ 1320
1201 Brittle Bank Road
Mt. Vernon, IN 47620

Prosecutor (219) 946­ 6858
125 S. Riverside Drive, # 210
Winamac, IN 46996­ 1528

Sheriff (219) 946­ 3341
110 E. Meridian Street
Winamac, IN 46996

Prosecutor (317) 653­ 2724
Courthouse ­ 4th Floor
Greencastle, IN 46135

Sheriff (317) 653­ 3211
123 W. Washington Street
Greencastle, IN 46135

Prosecutor (317) 548­ 2644
Courthouse, Room 201
Winchester, IN 47394

Sheriff (317) 584­ 1721
115 E. South Street
Winchester, IN 47394

Prosecutor (812) 689­ 6331
Courthouse, P. O. Box 102
Versailles, IN 47042

Sheriff (812) 689­ 5555
P. O. Box 364
Versailles, IN 47042­ 0364

Prosecutor (317) 932­ 2000
Courthouse ­ Room 317
Rushville, IN 46173

Sheriff(317) 932­ 2931
131 E. 1st Street
Rushville, IN 46173

Federal Bureau of Investigation (219) 223­ 4488
100 E. Wayne Street, Suite 415
South Bend, IN 46601

Prosecutor (219) 235­ 9544
227 W. Jefferson Blvd.
10th Floor, City­ County Bldg.
South Bend, IN 46601

Sheriff Joseph Speybroeck
129 S. Main Street
South Bend, IN 46601
(219) 235­ 9611

Gay and Lesbians of Notre Dame/ St. Mary's (219) 236­ 9661

PFLAG (Parents, Friends, and Families of Lesbians and Gays support group)
South Bend, IN
(219) 277­ 2684

Prosecutor (812) 752­ 6595
5 South First Street
Scottsburg, IN 47170

Sheriff (812) 752­ 8400
South First Street
Scottsburg, IN 47170

Prosecutor (317) 392­ 6440
Courthouse ­ 3rd Floor
407 S. Harrison Street
Shelbyville, IN 46176

Sheriff (317) 398­ 6661
106 W. Taylor Street
Shelbyville, IN 46176

Prosecutor (812) 649­ 6038
104 S. 3rd Street
P. O. Box 166
Rockport, IN 46735

Sheriff (812) 649­ 6037
120 N. 2nd Street
Rockport, IN 47635

Prosecutor (219) 772­ 6267
108 N. Pearl Street
Knox, IN 46534

Sheriff (219) 772­ 3771
108 N. Pearl Street
Knox, IN 46534

Prosecutor (219) 268­ 6008
55 S. Public Square
Angola, IN 46703­ 1945

Sheriff (219) 665­ 3131
200 Gale Street
Angola, IN 46703

Prosecutor (812) 268­ 6008
100 Courthouse Square, Room 103
Sullivan, IN 47882­ 1513

Sheriff (812) 268­ 4044
24 S. State Street
Sullivan, IN 47882

Federal Bureau of Investigation (317) 423­ 5619
230 N. 4th Street Room 221
Lafayette, IN 47902

Prosecutor (317) 423­ 9388
301 Main Street, 4th Floor
Lafayette, IN 47901­ 1358 Sheriff (317) 423­ 9388
2640 Duncan Road
Lafayette, IN 47904

Greater Lafayette Citizens for Civil Rights (765) 523­ 5767

Prosecutor (317) 675­ 2968
128 E. Jefferson Street
Tipton, IN 46072

Sheriff (317) 675­ 2111
121 W. Madison Street
Tipton, IN 46072

Prosecu tor (317) 458­ 6131
26 W. Union Street
P. O. Box 89
Liberty, IN 47353­ 0089

Sheriff (317) 458­ 5194
106 E. Union Street
Liberty, IN 47353

Federal Bureau of I nvestigation (812) 423­ 4486
P. O. Box 111
Evansville, IN 47701

Prosecutor(812) 435­ 5150
Administration Building, Room 108
1 NW, Martin Luther King Jr. Boulevard
Evansville, IN 47708
Sheriff (812) 435­ 5307
101 Civic Center Complex
1 NW, Martin Luther King Jr. Boulevard
Evansville, IN 47708

Tri­ State Alliance for Gays and Lesbians (812) 422­ 5951
Evansville, IN

PFLAG (Parents, Friends, and Families of Lesbians and Gays support group)
(812) 422­ 3269
Evansville, IN

Prosecutor (317) 492­ 3818
Courthouse, P. O. Box 38
Newport, IN 47966­ 0038

Sheriff (317) 492­ 3838
P. O. Box 126
Newport, IN 47966­ 0126

Federal Bureau of Investigation (812) 232­ 0993
US Post Office and Courthouse
Terre Haute, IN 47808 33 S. 3rd Street

Prosecutor(812) 462­ 3305
Courthouse ­ Room 45
Terre Haute, IN 47807­ 3425

Sheriff (812) 462­ 3226
1 st Floor Courthouse Annex
210 Cherry Street
Terre Haute, IN 47807

Fairness Support Group
P. O. Box 8022
Terre Haute, IN 47807

Alliance of Bisexual, Lesbian and Gay Students and Allies at Indiana State University at Terre Haute, IN
(812) 237­ 6916

PFLAG (Parents, Friends, and Families of Lesbians and Gays support group)
(812) 232­ 5188
Terre Haute, IN

Prosecutor (219) 563­ 3982
33 W. Canal Street
Wabash, IN 46995

Sheriff (219) 563­ 8891
79 W. Main Street
Wabash, IN 46992

Prosecutor (317) 764­ 4422
110 N. Monroe Street
P. O. Box 96
Williamsport, IN 47993

Sheriff (317) 765­ 4367
20 2nd Street
Williamsport, IN 47993

Prosecutor (812) 897­ 6199
106 W. Locust Street
Boonville, IN 47601

Sheriff (812) 897­ 6180
P. O. Box 487
Boonville, IN 47601­ 0487

Prosecutor (812) 883­ 6560
34A Public Square
P. O. Box 512
Salem, IN 47167­ 0512

Sheriff (812) 883­ 2834
County Detention Center
801 Jackson Street
Salem, IN 47167

Prosecutor (317) 973­ 9394
Suite 100, Courthouse
Richmond, IN 47374

Sheriff (765) 973­ 9393
Wayne County Court House
Richmond, IN 47374

Rainbow Tribe at Earlham College
765­ 983­ 1436 108.

Prosecutor (219) 824­ 4102
Courthouse, Suite 401
Bluffton, IN 46714

Sheriff (219) 824­ 3426
1525 E. Corning Road
Bluffton, IN 46714

Prosecutor (219) 583­ 5120
White County Building
P. O. Box 946
Monticello, IN 47960

Sheriff (219) 583­ 7103
315 N. Illinois Street
Monticello, IN 47960

Prosecutor (219) 244­ 3000
111 West Market Street
P. O. Box 405
Columbia City, IN 46725

Sheriff (219) 244­ 6410
101 W. Market Street
Columbia City, IN 46725


City of Anderson Dept. of Human Relations

120 E. Eighth St., Room 406
P. O. Box 2100
Anderson, IN 46018
(765) 648­ 6135
(765) 648­ 5923 FAX

Bloomington Human Rights Commission

Municipal Building
P. O. Box 100
Bloomington, IN 47402
(812) 349­ 3429
(812) 331­ 6429 FAX

Columbus Human Rights Commission

123 Washington, #5
Columbus, IN 47201
(812) 376­ 2532
(812) 375­ 2752 FAX

East Chicago Human Rights Commission

4506 Todd
East Chicago, IN 46312

Elkhart Human Relations Commission

229 S. 2 nd St.
Elkhart, IN 46516
(219) 294­ 5471
(219) 295­ 9863 FAX

Evansville Human Relations Commission

Administrative Building
Civic Center, Room 133
Evansville, IN 47708
(812) 436­ 4927
(812) 436­ 4929 FAX
(812) 436­ 4928 TDD

Ft. Wayne Human Relations Commission

City­ County Building
One Main St., Room 680
Ft. Wayne, IN 46802
(219) 427­ 1146
(219) 427­ 1126 FAX

Gary Human Relations Commission

475 Broadway
Gary, IN 46402
(219) 883­ 4151
(210) 882­ 0373 FAX

Hammond Human Relations Commission

5925 Calumet Ave.
Hammond, IN 46302
(219) 853­ 6502
(219) 853­ 6538 FAX

Indianapolis Division of Equal Opportunity

129 E. Market, Suite 300
Indianapolis, IN 46204
(317) 237­ 5262
(317) 327­ 4482 FAX

Jeffersonville Human Relations Commission

City­ County Bldg.
Mayor's Office, 4 th Fl
Jeffersonville, IN 47130

Kokomo Human Relations Commission

City Hall
100 S. Union St.
Kokomo, IN 46801
(765) 456­ 7460
(765) 456­ 7571 FAX

Lafayette Human Rights Commission

1208 Hartford
Lafayette, IN 47904
(317) 432­ 1920
(317) 463­ 3571 or
(317) 463­ 2796

LaPorte Human Rights Commission
City Hall
801 Michigan
LaPorte IN 46350
(219) 362­ 8220 110.

Marion Human Relations Commission

Municipal Bldg.
301 S. Branson, Room 331
Marion, IN 46592
(765) 668­ 4408
(765) 668­ 4443 FAX

Michigan City Human Rights Commission

100 E. Michigan Blvd.
Michigan City, IN 46360
(219) 873­ 1430
(219) 873­ 1562

Muncie Human Rights Commission

City Hall
300 N. High Street
Muncie, IN 47305
(765) 747­ 4854
(756) 741­ 1332 FAX
(765) 747­ 4729 TDD

New Castle Human Relations Commission

911 Lincoln Ave.
New Castle, IN 47362
(765) 529­ 3561

Richmond Human Rights Commission

50 N. 5 th St.
Richmond, IN 47374
(765) 983­ 7235
(765) 983­ 7383 FAX

South Bend Human Rights Commission

City County Bldg.
227 W, Jefferson St.
South Bend, IN 46601
(219) 235­ 9355
(219) 235­ 9803 FAX
(219) 235­ 93 111.

Terre Haute Human Rights Relations Commission

506 Ohio Street, Suite 2
Terre Haute, IN 47807
(812) 232­ 0110

Updated: 11/10/05

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